Battle of Khanua or Fatehpur Sikri, 16 March 1527

Battle of Khanua or Fatehpur Sikri, 16 March 1527

Battle of Khanua or Fatehpur Sikri, 16 March 1527

The battle of Khanua (16 March 1527) was the second of Babur's three great victories in northern India that helped to establish the Mogul Empire. Having defeated the force of Ibrahim Lodi, Sultan of Delhi, at Panipat on 21 April 1526, Babur was faced with two main groups of opponents - the Afghan supporters of the Lodi sultans, many of whom refused to accept his authority, and the Rajputs, led by Rana Sanga of Mewar. At first Babur's men felt that the Afghans were the greater threat, but by the end of 1526 Rana Sanga had gathered a massive army, and was advancing towards Agra from the west.

The campaign began when Rana Sanga laid siege to Bayana (late 1526). The defenders of Bayana sent message to Babur at Agra calling for help. This gave Babur the time he needed to gather up his scattered armies, recalling Humayun from an expedition to the east. On 11 February Babur left the centre of Agra for a campsite outside the city, where he waited for three or four days to allow his army to gather and be organised. While in this camp he learnt that his scouts had been unable to break through the Rana's forces to reach Bayana, and that the garrison had been defeated after making an over-bold sortie.

Over the next few days Babur advanced a short distance, eventually stopping at Sikri. During his period he suffered a setback when a large scouting force (up to 1,500 strong) was defeated at Khanua, and the morale of his men began to suffer. The defeat at Khanua, the fighting around Bayana, and the high regard in which everyone who faced them held the Rajputs, all combined to bring down morale, and things were not helped by Muhammad Sharif, an astrologer how arrived at the camp from Kabul, and told anyone who would listen that because Mars was in the west anybody who attacked from the opposite direction (as Babur was doing) would be defeated.

Babur responded to the fall in morale in four ways. The first was to order the construction of specially build carts, connected by chains, that would be used to protect his line. Where the carts ran out specially built wooden tripods were constructed. For the rest of the campaign the army advanced behind this line of mobile fortifications. Secondly, on 24 February he dispatched Shaikh Jamal to the Doab with orders to raise a force of archers and raid the villages around Miwat, in an attempt to split the enemy army.

Perhaps most famously, on 25 February Babur renounced wine, one of his great pleasures in life. 300 begs and members of his household joined him in this (only one contemporary source suggests that he broke this vow, recording an incident towards the end of Babur's life). Perhaps most effectively, in the days before the battle Babur declared the struggle to be a holy war against the Infidel (in his memoirs the Rana is almost always referred to as the Pagan). His men swore an oath on the Koran not to turn away from the fight, and their morale seems to have recovered.

On 13 March, after an unexplained two week gap, Babur resumed his advance, once again moving behind the carts and wheeled tripods. The army advanced a short distance on each of the next two or three days, coming closer and closer to the Rana's army.

Tod, in his 'Annals of Mewar', recorded the Rana's forces as containing 80,000 cavalry and 600 elephants. At Khanua he was supported by Hasan Khan Mewati, a former supporter of Ibrahim Lodi of Delhi, who will have provided some extra troops. In his memoirs Babur included a calculation of how many cavalrymen the Rana and his allies at the battle could have provided from their lands, which produced a figure of 201,000 men.

Babur had crossed the Indus two years earlier with 12,000 men. Since then he had fought a series of battles and sieges, but had also joined up with his existing garrison in the Punjab, and had received reinforcements from Kabul, as well as gaining new supporters in India, some of whom are recorded as having taken part in the battle. Babur was very badly outnumbered at Khanua, although perhaps not by quite as much as at Panipat.

Early on the morning of 16 March Babur's army made another short move, once again behind the wagons and tripods, and with the army formed up into its divisions. By nine in the morning the move was complete, and the first few tents had been raised, but Rana Sangha had finally decided to break the stalemate, and was advancing to attack. Babur's insistence that everyone knew their place in the line now paid off, and his entire army was in position before the Rana attacked.

Sadly at this point Babur decided to insert Shaikh Zain's letter of victory into his memoirs, a florid account of the battle, rather than produce an account in his own clear style. An account of the battle can still be gleaned from this letter, but with some effort (to give one example Shaikh Zain (who was present at the battle) described Babur's deployment as being 'so arrayed and so steadfast that primal Intelligence and the firmament applauded the marshalling thereof').

Babur's army was arranged in his customary method. He was posted in the centre, which was divided into right-centre, left-centre, centre and reserve. The left and right wings were also divided into three divisions. Humayun commanded on the right, Khalifa on the left. Finally flanking parties were posted on the extreme left and right, with household retainers in the right flanking party and other trusted chiefs with special troops on the left. Although Babur is said to have posted his Hindustani followers away from the main army, quite a few of them were actually present with the army, mostly posted on the left and right wings.

The fighting began between 9 and 10am with attacks on Babur's right and left wings. The attack on Babur's right was apparently most dangerous, hitting some Mongol troops who were not well suited to fight on the defensive. Babur was forced to dispatch reinforcements to restore the situation on his right, and the Rana's forces were forced back almost onto their centre. One of Babur's gun powder experts - Mustafa of Rum - helped with the counterattack by pushing his matchlock men forward behind their carts.

The attacks on Babur's left wing were less successful, although some reinforcements also had to be sent to the left. The left-flanking party is also mentioned as playing a part in the fighting on this wing, attacking the Rana's men from the rear.

The battle had now lasted for most of the morning. Babur decided to commit his household cavalry, ordering them to attack from the left-centre and right-centre towards the enemy flanks, leaving the matchlock men and artillery to hold the line in the centre. The artillery seem to have played a particularly important role, taking down the 'iron-mantled fort of the infidels' - probably the elephants. At about this stage of the battle the matchlock men moved out from behind the carts, possibly advancing into a gap created by the heavier guns, but they were not exposed for long before Babur ordered the carts in the centre to be moved forward.

The advance in the centre was matched by advances on both flanks. Heavy continuous fighting lasted for a period described by Shaikh Zain as last from the first to second Prayers - in this context this must mean the noon and mid-afternoon prayers. By the end of this phase of the battle the Rana's flanks had been forced back onto his centre, and his army was probably pressed from all sides. This situation lasted for an hour, and was ended when the Rana's men made one last charge against Babur's flanks. The attack on the left was the most successful, but neither attack succeeded. The failure of this last attack effectively ended the battle. The Rana's army dissolved and the survivors fled from the scene. Rana Sanga was amongst the survivors, but died before he could recover from the defeat, possibly of wounds suffered during the battle, or possibly poisoned.

According to Tod (Annals of Mewar), Babur would have been defeated if it had not been for the treachery of Salahu'd-din Tuar chief of Raisin. This man, who may have been a Hindu covert to Islam, is said to have conducted negotiations between Babur and the Rana during the two-week pause before the battle, and then to have changed sides during the battle. This story is almost certainly false. The battle lasted for too long and was too fiercely fought for Babur to have been in as much trouble as Tod implies, and Salahu'd-din did not enter Babur's service after the battle - indeed early in the following year Babur was planning an expedition against him.

The victory at Khanua secured Babur's power in India. Although fighting continued for the remaining years of his life, the battles that followed were all fought to expand his domains, not to preserve them from attack.


In Urdu ''Fateh'' mean victory.
During the Mughal era, the founder of Mughal Empire, Babur in his memoir Baburnama mentioned it as ‘Sikri’, when he visited it on the eve of Battle of Khanwa on March 16, 1527, at Khanwa a few miles away. After he defeated Rana Sanga of Mewar in the battle, which gave him control of North India, he subsequently built a garden, a Jal-Mahal (Lake Palace), and a baoli (step-well) commemorate his victory.

There is a beautiful and interesting history related to the origin of Fatehpur Sikri. The Mughal emperor Akbar had three wives but had no heir. The desire for son led him to many holy men and finally to the renowned Sufi Saint Sheikh Salim Chisti who lived in a cavern on the ridge at Sikri. The saint blessed Akbar and soon he became the father of a son. The emperor named his son ''Salim'' to honour the saint.and would later rule the empire as Emperor Jahangir

Here after the second birthday of Jahangir in 1571, Akbar then 28 years old, decided to shift his capital from Agra to the Sikri ridge, to honor Salim Chishti, and commenced the construction of a planned walled city which took the next fifteen years in planning and construction of a series royal palaces, harem, courts, a mosque, private quarters and other utility buildings He named the city, Fatehabad, with Fateh, a word of Arabic origin in Persian, meaning "victory", it was later called Fatehpur Sikri.

Fatehpur Sikri sits on rocky ridge, 3 km. in length and 1 km. wide, and palace city is surrounded by a 11 km wall on three side with the fourth being a lake at the time.It is at Fatehpur Sikri that the legends of Akbar and his famed courtiers, the nine jewels or Navaratnas, were born . One of them, musician and singer Tansen is said to have performed on an island in the middle of the pool Anup Talao.

According to contemporary historians, Akbar took a great interest in the building of Fatehpur Sikri and probably also dictated its architectural style. Seeking to revive the splendours of Persian court ceremonial made famous by his ancestor Timur, Akbar planned the complex on Persian principles. But the influences of his adopted land came through in the typically Indian embellishments. The Easy availability of sandstone in the neighbouring areas of Fatehpur Sikri, also meant that all the buildings here were made of the red stone.

The imperial Palace complex consists of a number of independent pavilions arranged in formal geometry on a piece of level ground, a pattern derived from Arab and central Asian tent encampments. In its entirety, the monuments at Fatehpur Sikri thus reflect the genius of Akbar in assimilating diverse regional architectural influences within a holistic style that was uniquely his own.

Some of the important buildings in this city:

Jama Masjid: It is a ''Jami Mosque'' meaning the '' Friday Mosque'' congregational mosque, and was perhaps one of the first buildings to come up in the complex, Jami Masjid was built in 1571 AD. as the date of its completion, with a massive entrance to the courtyard, the Buland-Darwaza added some five years later.Inside, there is a vast congregational coutyard. To the right, at the corner, is the Jammat Khana Hall and next ot this is the tomb of the royal ladies.

It was built in the manner of Indian mosques, with iwans around a central courtyard. A distinguishing feature is the row of ''chhatri'' over the sanctuary. There are three ''mihrabs'' in each of the seven bays, while the large central mihrab is covered by a dome, it is decorated with white marble ''inlay'', in geometric patterns. To the left of the Jami Masjid is the Stone Cutters’ mosque, the oldest place of worship at Fateh Pur Sikri. It is entered through the eastern entrance known as the Buland Darwaza.

Buland Darwaza: In Urdu buland means hight and Darwaza means Gate..The gate erected in 1602 AD to commemorate Akbar’s victory over Deccan is the highest and grandest gateway in India and ranks among the biggest in the world.
It set into the south wall of congregational mosque, the Jama Masjid at Fatehpur Sikri, this stupendous piece of architecture is 176 feet high, from the outside,

The gate was added some five years later after the completion of the mosque. as an 'victory arch', to commemorate the Akbar's successful Gujarat campaign. It carries two inscriptions in the archway, one of which reads: "Isa (Jesus) Son of Mary said: ''The world is a bridge, pass over it, but build no houses on it. He who hopes for an hour may hope for eternity. The world endures but an hour. Spend it in prayer, for the rest is unseen".

The ''Dargah'' is beautifully designed by 54 several types of lattice of white marbel and most of them are made of single piece marbel. Stone pierced screens all around with intricate geometric design, and an entrance to the south. The tomb is influenced by earlier mausolea of the early 15th century Gujarat Sultanate period. Other striking features of the tomb are white marble serpentine brackets, which support sloping eaves around the parapet.

THE DIWAN-I-AMjourney to the royal palace begins with Diwan-I-Am or the Hall Of Public Audience. This hall was also used for celebrations and public prayers. It has cloisters on three sides of a rectangular courtyard. To the west is a pavilion with the Emperor’s throne. Beautiful jali screen on either sides separated the ladies attending the court.

How to Reach Fatehpur

By Air: Though a domestic airport, the Agra airport has an efficient network system as it is well connected to several Indian cities and also provides it’s commuters with special shuttle systems which travel between the cities of Agra, Khajuraho, Varanasi and back. The nearest International Airport to the city is at Delhi, which is located at a distance of around 40 minutes from Agra.

By Road: Reaching Fatehpur Sikri by road can also be a suitable option since the region is well connected to all the major cities of the region by a well maintained and an efficient network of roads.


Jul 07, 2009 #1 2009-07-07T16:31

Message contains attachments

--- On Tue, 7/7/09, RADHASYAM BRAHMACHARI [email protected]> wrote:

By Dr Radhasyam Brahmachari

The Distorted History of Fatehpur Sikri:

It has been said earlier how the authorship of the massive fortress in Agra is being falsely attributed to Akbar. In a similar manner, Akbar is being projected as the author of another fort-palace complex, a excellent example of Hindu architecture, at Fatehpur Sikri, nearly 37 Km away from the city of Agra .

The so called pseudo secular and the Marxist historians are propagating the idea that the place was originally called Sikri and it was a small village surrounded by deep forest infested with wild animals. In that village, a Sufi saint called Shaikh Salim Chisti began to live in a small hut in 1537. At that time, Akbar was mentally upset as he did not have a male child.

To narrate the situation , Nizam-ud-din Ahmad in his Tabakat-i-Akbari , writes, "The Emperor had several sons born to him, but none of them had lived. Shaikh Salim Chisti, who resided at the town of Sikri , twelve kos from Agra , had gladdened him with the promise of a son. The Emperor went to visit the Shaikh several times, and remained there ten or twenty days on each occasion. … When one of the Emperor's wives became pregnant, he conveyed her to the dwelling of the Shaikh, and left her there. Sometimes he stayed there himself, sometimes at Agra . He gave the name of Fathpur to Sikri, and built a bazaar and baths there." [1] "Salim, the old saint, had settled among the rocks and wild beasts as a hermit in A D 1537-8 (A H 944), and in the year following had constructed a monastery and school-house." [2]

In this regard, historian V A Smith, in his Akbar The Great Mogul , also writes, "Akbar resolved at this time to press his scheme for converting the obscure village of Sikri into a great city. His reasons, or some of them, for doing so may be stated in the words of Abu-l Fazl: - Inasmuch as his exalted sons [Salim and Murad] had taken their birth in Sikri and the God-knowing spirit of Shaikh Salim had taken possession thereof, his holy heart desired to give outward splendour to this spot which possessed spiritual grandeur. Now that his standards had arrived at this place, his former design was passed forward, and an order was issued that the superintendents of affairs should erect lofty buildings for the use of the Shahinshah." [3]

He further continues, "A wall of masonry was built round the town, but never completed, and dwellings of all classes were constructed, as well as schools, baths, and other public institutions, the indispensable gardens not being neglected. The Emperor, after the conquest of Gujarat , gave it the name of Fathabad (town of victory), which was soon exchanged in both popular and official use for the synonymous Fathpur.." [2] V A Smith continues, "The language of Abu-l Fazl in the above passage quoted might be understood to mean that Akbar did not begin his extensive programme of building at Fathpur-Sikri until 1571, but that is not the fact. The design had been formed in his mind and his had actually been begun in 1569." [2]

But most of the historians believe that Akbar began the so called construction of Fatehpur Sikri in 1571, and hence the historian R C Majumdar writes, "From there (Punjab) he returned to Ajmer (corrupt of Sanskrit Ajeya Meru) by way of Hissar and on 9th August, 1571, arrived at Sikri which he now decided to make his capital as the auspicious place where his two sons Salim and Murad had been born. The resources of his expanding empire and the artistic genius of India and Persia were employed to convert the petty, quiet hamlet into a crowded proud metropolis which even in its lost glory was regarded by Fitch in 1585 as much greater than Elizabethan London." [4] From the above statement it implies that Akbar began the so called construction of Fatehpur Sikri in 1571 and it is not clear, from the above statements, when the job was completed. Smith also says that, Akbar built the Buland Darwaza to commemorate his conquest of Gujarat in 1575-76 . [5]

But many hold the view that Akbar finished the construction in 1585. So, a general notification, in this regard, reads, "Fatehpur Sikri was built during 1571 and 1585. … This town was built by the Mughal Emperor, Akbar. He had planned this city as his capital but shortage of water compelled him to abandon the city.. … Fatehpur Sikri is one of the finest examples of Mughal architectural splendour at its height." [6] The Wikipedia Encyclopedia, in this context, says, "Fatehpur Sikri is a city and a municipal board in Agra district in the state of [url=] Uttar Pradesh [/url], India . The historical city was constructed by Mughal emperor Akbar beginning in 1570 and served as the empire's capital from 1571 until 1585, when it was abandoned for reasons that remain unclear." [7]

One should notice that the statements quoted above are terribly inconsistent. According to Smith, Akbar began the construction of the city in 1571 (or 1569) and before that the place was a small village. According to R C Majumdar, in 1571, Akbar decided to use the auspicious place as the capital of his empire. But according to the Wikipedia Encyclopedia, " Akbar started to use the place as the capital of his empire from 1571 and continued to use the place as the capital up to 1585." The question naturally arises - How many years Akbar took to convert the small village Sikri into a city? Was it possible for Akbar to shift his capital to Sikri before the completion of the said construction? The most ridiculous part of the episode is that, according to Wikipedia Encyclopedia, Akbar started to use Sikri as his capital in the same year the construction of the city had begun. So, it implies that, Akbar, in 1571, had shifted his capital from the city of Agra to a desolate village called Sikri, surrounded by jungles.

The reader might have noticed another anomaly in the above narrations. According to some authors, the construction of the city was completed in 1585, and in the same year it was abandoned due to scarcity of water. As if the so called scarcity of water fell, all on a sudden, from the sky without giving any prior hint and no body could foresee that. Most importantly, these contradictory statements lead one to conclude that Akbar the fool spoiled so much money for setting up the new city in vain.

There are other anomalies as well. It has been mentioned above that, according to V A Smith, Akbar built the Buland Darwaza as a commemoration of his conquest of Gujarat in 1575-76. While an epigraph inscribed on the Buland Darwaza says that it was built in 1601, when Akbar returned from Daccan. But it has been said above that the city of Fatehpur Sikri was abandoned in 1585. So, it becomes unacceptable because in that case it should be concluded that Akbar built the Buland Darwaza in the abandoned city of Fatehpur Sikri .. So, according to another version, it is said that, Fatehpur Sikri was finally abandoned in 1604 and the Buland Darwaza was erected in 1601. [8]

However, to sum up the above narrations, Akbar began the construction of the city of Fatehpur Sikri in 1571 and the construction was completed in 1785. Or, Akbar took 14 years to complete the job.. But whosoever has visited the site would refuse to believe that such a massive construction, containing the invincible fort and innumerable palaces therein with fine stone carvings, could be constructed within 14 or 15 years. To make this unbelievable story believable, the so called pseudo secular and Marxist historians of India resort to treachery and lie, and say, "The work was pushed on with such phenomenal speed that, as if by magic palaces, public buildings, mosques and tombs, gardens and baths, pavilions and water courses were called into being beneath the barren sandstone ridge of Sikri." [8]

In this context, it should be mentioned what absurd Jahangir , son of Akbar, has written in his autobiography, regarding the construction of Fatehpur Sikri. He writes, "In course of fourteen to fifteen years, that hill full of wild beasts became a city containing all kinds of gardens and buildings, lofty edifices and pleasant places attractive to the heart." [8]

It has been pointed out above that historians believe that Akbar built the Buland Darwaza (the Great Portal) in 1601 as a monument after the conquest of Gujarat . In this regard, our historians write, "The southern entrance to the Jam-i-Masjid at Fatehpur Sikri was considered to be suitable position, and the original entrance was replaced by the construction of a massive portal. This was known as the Buland Darwaja." [9] It is important to note here that originally there was a gate where the Buland Darwaza stands today. Common sense tells us that the said gate was very old and hence Akbar found it suitable to demolish that worn out gate and make a new one. Had this older gate been built by Akbar, hardly 15 years ago, he would have certainly not shown any interest to demolish the same to be replaced by the new gate called Buland Darwaza.

The True History of Fatehpur Sikri:

We now may pay heed to what another group of historians, known as nationalist historians, have to say in this regard. These historians are convinced that the authorship of the fort-palace complex at Fatehpur Sikri is being falsely attributed to Akbar. According to them the city, now known as Fatehpur Sikri, was a thriving and prosperous city from very older times. Once upon a time, during the times of Babar, Akbar's grand father, the fort-palace complex at Fatehpur, was under the occupation of Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar. In 1527, a battle was fought between Babar and Maharana Sangram Singh, known as the Battle of Khanua , in a field close to the fort of Fatehpur . In that battle Babar defeated Rana Sangram Singh and thus the occupation of the fort went to the Mughals.

There are many references to show that fort at Fatehpur (or Fathpur) was there even centuries before the times of Akbar. The Muslim chronicler Yahya bin Ahmad , in his Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi , writes, "On the 19th Jumada-l awwal, 808 H ( 12th November, 1405 AD), a battle was fought between them (Khizr Khan and Ikbal Khan). At the first charge, Ikbal wasa defeated and fled. …(Later on) He was killed and his head was cut off and sent to Fathpur." [10] The statement is sufficient to prove that, at least 150 years before the times of Akbar, Fatehpur Sikri was a place of political importance, not an isolated village surrounded by jungle.

Yahya bin Ahmad also writes, "Sikri, which is now known as Fathpur, was entrusted to Malik Khairu-d din Tuhfa. His Majesty (Mubarak Shah) then proceeded towards Gwalior ." [11] This statement conclusively proves that the city which is now known as Fatehpur was originally known as Sikri. It has been said earlier that the Battle of Khanua was fought between Babar and Rana Sangram Singh in a field close to Fatehpur Sikri. Babar, in his autobiography Tuzak-i-Babri , has given the description of the battle. The Tuzak-i-Babri says that Babar left Agra on 11th February, 1527 AD and advanced towards Fatehpur to meet Rana Sangram Singh. Babar writes, "After marching a kos, we found that the enemy had retreated. There being a large tank on our left, I encamped there, to have the benefit of water." [12]

At that hour, Babar sent an advanced team of 1000 men, under the care of Abdul Aziz and Mollah Apak, to assess the situation and collect prior intelligence. To describe the situation, Babar writes, "… without taking any precautions, he (Abdul Aziz) advanced as far as Kanwahah, which is five kos from Sikri." [13] But a troop of 4000 or 5000 Rajputs routed them and compelled them to return to their base.

It is to be noted here that, Rana Sangram Singh was the most famous Hindu warrior at that time and he carried 82 scars on his body. So, naturally, Babar's army was visibly nervous. Just on the day, previous to the battle, Babar held meeting with his nervous generals. To comment on the result of the discussions, Babar writes, "At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of the preceding events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a manly opinion." [14]

As mentioned above, Babar camped outside the wall of Sikri, near a big tank and the Rajput camp was inside the wall. The chief Rajput generals were Rawal Udai Singh, Medini Ray, Bhamal, Varmadev and Siladitya , the caretaker of the Raisin Fort. Beside that, there were a few Afghan generals in the Rajput army and the most prominent among them were Hasan Khan and Sikandar Lodi . After being thrashed at Kanwahah, the Mughal army became extremely frightened and advised Babar to retreat .

So, from the above facts, it becomes evident that, if the Rajputs continued their attack from the incident of Kanwahah, the Mughal army would have defeated and dispersed. But Sangram Singh took time and gave the Mughal army an opportunity to re-assemble. In this context, we should note another development. Babar had initiated a dialogue with Sangram Singh through Siladitya, but later on he succeeded to bribe Siladitya to bring him to his side. This enabled Babar to gather some vital military secrets of the Rajput army.

However, on 17th (or 16th) March, 1527 AD, the battle took place at the field of Khanua, close to Sikri and 37 Km from Agra . As soon as the battle began, Siladitya changed side with his men and in addition to that, the Afghan generals Hasan Khan and Sikandar Lodi and their army preferred not to fight against the Mussalmans of Babar's army and remained, more or less, silent spectators. The actual strength of the Rajput army was not properly recorded, but according to Col Tod, there were 80,000 horses and 500 elephants in the Rajput army. [15]

The fierce battle began in the morning and continued for ten hours. When the victory was under the control of the Rajputs, Sangram Singh suffered a severe wound and had to leave the battle field. The incident made the Rajput army disappointed and they began to disperse, and thus victory went to the hands of the Mughals. To describe the incident, Babar writes, "Having defeated the enemy, we pursued them with great slaughter. Their camp might be two kos distant from ours. On reaching it, I sent on Muhammadi and some other officers, with the order to follow them in close pursuit, slaying and cutting them off, so that they should not have the time to re-assemble." [16]

Babar continues, "The battle was fought within the view of a small hill, near our camp. On this hillock I directed a tower of the skulls of the infidels to be constructed. … Immense numbers of the dead bodies of the pagans and apostates had fallen in their flight, all the way to Bayana, and even as far as Alwar and Mewat." [16] After entering the fort, Babar ordered general massacre and Muhammadi and other Mughal generals cut down the civilians of the city of Sikri en masse. There are no proper records of how many Hindus were slaughtered on that day. The so called secular and Marxist historians always try to keep the figure low. It has been mentioned that there were 80,000 strong cavalry and 500 elephants in the Rajput army. Hence, many believe that, including the foot-soldiers, the Rajput army was 200,000 strong, and nearly 100,000 of them were taken prisoners and slaughtered on that day. In addition to that, about another 100,000 civilians were massacred in the city.

It has been mentioned earlier that after the mass-massacre of the Hindus in the Chittor Fort by Akbar, Rajput Kings abandoned the fort and thereafter, they used the fort at Udaipur as their residence and the seat of the government. In a similar manner, the Rajput kings had abandoned the Fort of Sikri after the mass-massacre by Babar, as mentioned above. And, as a result, the city of Fatehpur Sikri gradually turned into a desolate jungle. Later on, Akbar perhaps took an initiative to revive the city by clearing the jungle and our dishonest historians are portraying that as Akbar's creation of the new city of Fatehpur Sikri. A study of the history of Fatehpur Sikri, it appears that, Akbar might have built a minutely small part, the Buland Darwaza, of the entire edifice and nothing else. And later on, he might have built the tomb of Shaikh Salim Chisti.

Another point of vital importance should be highlighted in this context. Anyone, whosoever has visited the Fort-Palace complex at Fatehpur Sikri, it must not have escaped his notice that all the palaces and buildings reveal overwhelmingly Hindu style of architecture and stone carving. According to experts, they are either of Rajasthani or Gujarati style. This is due to the simple reason that the Rajput Hindu kings were the real authors of those buildings and palaces. But to hide the true history, the despicable creatures, callef secular and Marxist historians, say that, Akbar engaged both Hindu and Muslim artists of Persia for building the palaces and stone carving. They also say that, Akbar was so generous that he had no hesitation to accept Hindu style of architecture. But all these lies are going to be exposed very soon as the real history of Fatehpur Sikri has started to reveal due to fresh archaeological discoveries. We expect to deal that aspect in the next installment.

(To be continued)

[1] H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, The History of India -As Told by Its Own Historians (in 8 volumes), Low Price Publication, Delhi (1996) V, 332-333.

[2] V. A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul , Oxford Clarendon Press, 105.

[3] V. A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul , ibid, 104-105.

[4] R. C, Majumdar, The History and Cultures of the Indian People , Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan (in 12 Vols) , VII ,125.

[5] V. A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul , ibid, 107.

[8] R. C, Majumdar, ibid, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, VII, 760.

[9] R. C, Majumdar, ibid, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, VII, 763.

[10] H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, ibid, IV, 40.

[11] H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, ibid, IV, 62.

[12] H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, ibid, IV, 268.

[13] H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, ibid, IV, 267.

[14] H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, ibid, IV, 269.

[15] R. C, Majumdar, ibid, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, VII, 36.

[16] H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, ibid, IV, 272.

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Jul 26, 2009 #2 2009-07-26T16:16

Distortion of Indian History for Muslim Appeasement, Part 6A Posted by Dr Radhasyam Brahmachari on 7/23/09 • Categorized as Op-Ed


By Dr Radhasyam Brahmachari

The Distorted History of Taj Mahal:

There is no doubt that Taj Mahal in Agra is the most beautiful architectural marvel in the entire world and hence it is called one of the great wonders of the world. But who is the author of this excellent exhibit of architecture? Opinions in this regard are highly contentious. The general notion is that, it is the creation of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan. In previous articles, we have seen how the authorship of excellent pieces of architecture in Delhi, Agra and Fatehpur Sikri are being falsely attributed to the foreign Muslim invaders, who occupied and ruled India for nearly eight centuries. So, the question naturally arises - Is the claim of Shah Jahan's authorship of Taj Mahal true? Or the said view is merely a part of the process of distortion of Indian history, to appease the Muslims? In this article, we shall try to find a plausible reply to these questions.

In this regard, the Encyclopedia Britannica states, "Taj Mahal is a mausoleum complex in Agra, in western Uttar Pradesh state, in northern India, on the southern bank of the Yamuna (Jumna) River. …the Taj Mahal is distinguished as the finest example of Mughal architecture, a blend of Indian, Persian, and Islamic styles. One of the most beautiful structural compositions in the world, the Taj Mahal was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1983. It was built by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahān (reigned 1628-58) to immortalize his wife Mumtāz Mahal("Chosen One of the Palace"). The name Taj Mahal is a derivation of her name. She died in childbirth in 1631, after having been the emperor's inseparable companion since their marriage in 1612. The plans for the complex have been attributed to various architects of the period, though the chief architect was probably Ustad Ahmad Lahawrī, an Indian of Persian descent." [1]

The Wikipedia Encyclopedia maintains a similar view and says, "The Taj Mahal (pronounced /tɑdʒ məˈhɑl) is a mausoleum located in Agra, India, built by Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan in memory of his favorite wife, Mumtaz Mahal. The Taj Mahal (also "the Taj") is considered the finest example of Mughal architecture, a style that combines elements from Persian, Indian, and Islamic architectural styles. In 1983, the Taj Mahal became a UNESCO World Heritage Site and was cited as "the jewel of Muslim art in India and one of the universally admired masterpieces of the world's heritage." [2]

In this context, we should mention what the India 's historians have to say in this matter. Historian R C Majumdar, in this regard, writes, "The Taj Mahal, a splendid mausoleum built by Shah Jahan, at a cost of fifty lacs of rupees, over the grave of his beloved wife, Mumtaz Mahal, is rightly regarded as one of the wonders of the world for its beauty and magnificence." [3] Another historian S K Saraswati writes, "But all the above architectural creations of Shah Jahan are thrown into shade by that superb conception of the mausoleum that the emperor raised up at Agra to enshrine the mortal remains of his beloved consort, Arjumand Banu Begam, better known as Mumtaz Mahal. The Taj Mahal, as it is called after the title of the empress, stands on an elevated ground on a bend of the river Jamuna so that it has a fine view from whatever angle it is seen." [4]

As a result of this worldwide propaganda, Shahjahan's authorship of Taj Mahal, mixed with story of romantic love between Shah Jahan and his wife, has become so pervasive that it has become a universal symbol of love between a husband and his wife. Even a common man, at first instance, refuses to admit any other version, even if it is more convincing and rational. Even the Nobel Laureate Poet Rabindranath Tagore, being swayed by the above story, described the Taj Mahal, in one of his poems, as a drop of tears of the grief-stricken Emperor Shahjahan.

The True History of Taj Mahal:

But according to Stephen Knapp, a well known researcher on Taj Mahal, it was not built by Shah Jahan and he writes, "There is ample evidence that the Taj Mahal was never built by Shah Jahan. Some say the Taj Mahal pre-dates Shah Jahan by several centuries and was originally built as a Hindu or Vedic temple/palace complex and Shah Jahan merely acquired it (by brute force) from its previous owner, the Hindu King Jai Singh." [5] Not only Stephen Knapp but many other researchers like Yogesh Saxena, V S Godbole and Prushottam Nagesh Oak (or P N Oak) hold a similar view and P N Oak is the most prominent and pioneer among scholars who worked to discover the real author of Taj Mahal.

It is well known that Emperor Akbar got Akbarnama, a history of his reign, written by his court-chronicler Abul Fazl and in a similar manner, Shahjahan had the history of his reign titled Badshahnama written by his court-chronicler Abdul Hamid Lahori. The original Badshahnama was written in Persian using Arabic alphabets and in 1963, P N Oak made a startling discovery the the pages 402 and 403 of the edition of Badshahnama, published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal (see the fascimile of the page 402 and 403 of the edition in Figure-1), contain the true history of the building now known as Taj Mahal. An English translation of the contents from line 21 of page 402 to line 41 on page 403 of Badshahnama is given below.

Meanwhile, we should notice another important point. It is well known that the two British historians, H M Elliot and J Dowson, have done the great job of writing history of India, under Muslim rule, starting from the attack on Sindh by @@*%*$%! bin Kasim in the 8th century to the fall of Marathas in the 19th century, a period, covering nearly 1200 years. It has been written, based on chronicles of the court chroniclers of the Muslim rulers only. The work of Elliot and Dowson's was published in 8 volumes during 1867 to 1877 and the Volume 7 of their work deals with the reigns of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb. But it is really astonishing that there is not even a mentioning of Taj Mahal in the said work.

Many Muslim chroniclers have described the times of Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, e.g.

(1) Badshahnama by Abdul Hamid Lahori,

(2) Wakiyat Jahangiri by emperor Jahangir,

(3) Shahjahan-nama by Enayet Khan,

(4) Tarikh-i- Mufajjali by Mufajjal Khan,

(5) Mirat-i-Alam by Bakhtyar Khan,

(6) Alamgirnama by Muhammad Qazim and

(7) Mustakhab-ul-Lubab by Kafi Khan.

But in none of above works, there is even mentioning of Taj Mahal, except Badshahnama by Lahori and that too as a palace of Jai Singh

While commenting on this point, Dr Yogesh Saxena, writes, "The authors should have said, "Though we have presented history of Shahjahan based on his official chronicle Badshahnama, we did not find any reference to Taj Mahal in it." They did no such thing. And Historians have kept even this information from us for the last 130 years." [6] It was Professor P N Oak, who, for the first time, made the startling discovery that there is mentioning of the building now called Taj Mahal, but as a palace of the Hindu king Jai Singh, in Badshahnama.

There is another important point to note. There is a well established rumour that Shah Jahan engaged 20,000 labours who toiled for 20 (or 22) years to complete the construction of Taj Mahal, originates by the French traveler Jean Baptiste Tavernier. It is really unthinkable that, Shah Jahan completed such a gigantic job, spending so much money, employing so many people throughout so many years, but it escaped the attention of his sycophant chroniclers, and they did not even say a single word about the said job in their works. So, the logical conclusion is that, the said gigantic construction never took place during the reign of Shah Jahan and Badshahnama confirms this fact.

The original Badshahnama was written in Persian using Arabic alphabets and the pages 402 and 403 of the edition published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal (see the fascimile of the page 402 and 403 of Vol-I of the edition given above) contain the true history of the building now known as Taj Mahal. Professor Oak got the two pages translated into English by a scholar of Persian language and said trnslation of the contents from line 21 of page 402 to line 41 on page 403 of Vol-I of Badshahnama is given below.

"Friday, 15th Jamadiulawal, the sacred dead body of the traveller to the kingdom of holiness Hazrat Mumtazul Zamani, who was temporarily buried, was brought, accompanied by Prince !%$!$%@ Shah, Suja bahadur, Wazir Khan and Satiunnesa Khanam, who knew the pemperament of the deceased intimately and was well versed in view of that Queen of the Queens used to hold, was brought to the capital Akbarabad (Agra) and an order was issued that very day coins be distributed among the beggers and fakirs. The site covered with a majestic garden, to the south of the great city (of Agra) and amidst which the building known as the palace of Raja Man Singh, at present owned by Raja Jai asingh, grandson of Man Singh, was selected for the burial of the Queen, whose abode is in heaven. Although Raja Jai Singh valued it greatly as his ancestral heritage and property, yet he agreed to part with it gratis for Emperor Shahjahan, still out of sheer scrupulousness and religious sanctity, he (Jai Singh) was granted Sharifabad in exchange of that grand palace (Ali Manzil). After the arrival of the deadbody in that great city (of Agra), next year that illustrious body of the Queen was laid to rest and the officials of the capital, according to royal order, hid the body of that pious lady from the eyes of the world and the palace so majestic (imarat-e-alishan) and capped with a dome (wa gumbaje) was turned into a sky-high lofty mausoleum". [7]

Many historians try to convince that Shah Jahan purchased a piece of land from Raja Jai Singh and erected Taj Mahal on that land. But the lines 29 and 30 of page 403 of Vol-I of Badshahnama reads, "Pesh az ein Manzil-e-Rajah Mansingh bud wadari waqt ba Rajah Jaisingh (29) Nabirae taalluq dasht barae madfan e an bahisht muwattan bar guzeedand .. (30)." According to experts, the correct translation of the phrase "Manzil-e-Rajah Mansingh bud wadari waqt ba Rajah Jaisingh"is ".. the building known as the palace of Raja Man Singh, at present owned by Raja Jai asingh". So, it is evident that it cannot be a transaction of land but of a magnificent palace. In line 37, further clarification has been made and said that it was a transaction of an imarat-e-alishan (i.e. a gigantic building) and not of land

In 1964, when Prof P N Oak started to disclose his doubts about Shah Jahan's authorship of Taj Mahal and presented the document in Badshahnama as the proof, many of his opponents said that his translation of Badshahnama was not correct. One of his bitter critiques was a Kashmiri Pandit. He was also a scholar of Persian language. To narrate the incident Dr Yogesh Saxena writes, "One of his opponents was a Kashmiri Pandit. Eventually they went to Government of India Archives. At the suggestion of the Librarian there the Pandit started to read Badshahnama, soon he came to Volume I, page 403. One line read - va pesh azin manzil-e-Raja Mansingh bood, vadari vakt ba Raja Jaisingh. He confessed that Shah Jahan took over Raja Mansingh's palace for burial of Mumtaz. We owe so much to this honest opponent of Mr Oak. He gave word by word translation of pages 402 and 403 to Mr Oak who promptly published it in his book Taj Mahal is a Hindu Palace (1968). However, Mr Oak never stated that the translation was his. It was done for him by a Persian expert." [6]

The name of the Queen, in whose memory the Taj Mahal is being said to have been erected, was Arjumand Banu. She was married to Shahjahan in 1612 A.D. and within 18 years of her married life she gave birth to 14 children and in fact she died in 1630 (or in 1631) while she was delivering her 14th child. According to Badshahnama she was buried temporarily at Burhanpur and in the same year her body was brought from Burhanpur to Agra and the next year her body was permanently buried at the majestic palace of Raja Man Singh.. From the Badshahnama it becomes evident the edifice, now known as Taj Mahal, was not authored by Emperor Shahjahan.

Who was The Author of Building called Taj Mahal:

So, according to the narrations of Badshanama and from other evidence, it becomes clear that the edifice, now known as Taj Mahal, was not authored by emperor Shah Jahan. The question, therefore, naturally arises - Who built that magnificent building?

A locality, nearly 4 km away from Taj Mahal, is called Bateswar and in 1900 A.D., General Alexander Cuningham, the then Director of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), conducted an excavation at Bateswar and discovered an edict, now known as the Munj Bateswar Edict and kept at the Lucknow Museum. The epigraph contains 34 verses written in Sanskrit, out of which 25th, 26th and 34th verses are important in the present context. The original Sankrit text and English translation of the above verses are given below -

Prasādo vaiṣṇavastena nirnimitotavahan hari /

Murdhn āspriśati yo nityaṃ padamasaiva madhyamam // (25)

"He built a marble temple which is the abode of Lord Vishnu and the King bows down to touch His feet" (25).

Akāryacca sphatikāvadātamasāvidam mandiramindumauleḥ /

Na jātuyasminnibsnsadevah kailāsvasayacakara cetaḥ // (26)

"The King has built another marble temple which has been dedicated to the Lord Who has the moon as His ornament on His forehead and Who, getting such a beautiful abode, has forgotten to return to Kailash " (26).

Pakṣa tryakṣamukhāditya saṃkhye vikramavatsare /

Aśvina śukla pañcmyāṃ bāsare vāsave śitu // (34)

"Today, the 5th day of the bright half in the month of Ashwin, the Sunday, in the year 1212 of the Vikram Samvat, the edict is being laid" (34).

Mr. D. J. Kale, a well known archaeologist, has mentioned the said Munj Bateswar Edict in his celebrated work Epigraphica India. On page 124 of the said work, Mr. Kale writes, "The sais Munj Bateswar Edict was laid by King Paramardidev of the Chandratreya dynasty on Sukla Panchami in the month of Ashwin, in the year 1212 Vikram Samvat (or A.D. 1156). … King Paramardidev built two magnificent temples with white marble , one for Lords Vishnu and the other for Lord Shiva and they were desecrated later on by the Muslim invaders. Perhaps a farsighted man took the edict to a safer place at Bateswar and buries it beneath the ground". [8] Perhaps, after the said desecration, the temples were no longer used as religious places and due to this reason Abdul Hamid Lahori mentioned them as palaces, not as temples. According to the renowned historian Mr. R. C. Majumdar, the other name of the Chandratreya or Chandel King Paramardidev was Paramal and their kingdom was known as Bundelkhand, a.k.a.Jejakabhukti [9]

Today, there are two marble palaces in Agra, one is the Mausoleum of Idmat-ud-Daula, the father of Noorjahan and the other is Taj Mahal, and it is evident from the Munj Bateswar edict that, once upon a time, one of them was the temple of Lord Vishnu and the other was a temple of Lord Shiva. Experts believe that it is the temple of Lord Vishnu that has been made the mausoleum of Idmat-ud-Daula, and the temple of Lord Shiva has been converted into the mausoleum of the queen Arjumand Banu. There are so many evidence that support of this conclusion and we shall try to discuss them in future installments of this article.

(To be continued)

[3] R. C. Majumdar, H. C. Raychaudhury and K. Datta, An Advanced History of India, MacMillan & Co (1980),586..

[4] R. C. Majumdar (Gen Ed), History & Culture of the Indian People (in 12 Volumes), Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai (1996), VII, 793.

[5] Stephen Knapp,Taj Mahal: Was it a Vedic Temple ? The Photographic Evidence ( http://www.stephen-knapp. mahal_a_vedic_temple.htm )

[6] Yogesh Saxena Taj Mahal - It is time to tell the truth, ( facts-in-indian-history.html )

[7] P N Oak, Tajmahal - The True Story, Published by A Ghosh, p 9-12.

[8] D J Kale, Epigraphica India , published by S D Kale & M D Kale, I, 270-274.

[9] R C Majumdar, ibid, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Vol-5, p-122

Aug 05, 2009 #3 2009-08-05T14:20

Date: Wednesday, 5 August, 2009, 3:42 PM

DISTORTION OF INDIAN HISTORY FOR MUSLIM APPEASEMENT, Part 6B Posted by Dr Radhasyam Brahmachari on 8/05/09 • Categorized as Op-Ed

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By Dr Radhasyam Brahmachari
When construction of Taj Mahal was completed ?
In the previous article, it has been mentioned that the name of the Queen, in whose memory the Taj Mahal is being said to have been erected, was Arjumand Banu. She was married to Shahjahan in 1612 and died at Burhanpur in 1631 (or 1630) A.D. and within 18 years of her married life she gave birth to 14 children. In fact, she died while she was delivering her 14th child. According to Badshahnama, she was buried temporarily at Burhanpur and in the same year her body was brought from Burhanpur to Agra. So it was not possible for Shah Jahan to begin the so called construction of the Taj Mahal before 1631. According to the French traveler Jean Baptiste Tavernier, the said construction continued for 22 years and hence the construction has been presumably completed not before 1653 AD.

Regarding this account of Tavernier, Dr V S Godbole says, "These figures come from a book Travels in India by J B Tavernier, a French jewel merchant. He was a great adventurer who made six voyages to India in the days of Shivaji (1638 to 1668). Tavernier says," I witnessed the commencement and completion of this monument (Taj Mahal) on which 20,000 men worked incessantly for 22 years." [1]
Dr Godbole also says, "In 1889 Dr Ball translated the original French book (Travels in India by J B Tavernier) into English, corrected some mistakes in earlier translation and provided extensive footnotes. He also studied Tavernier's movements thoroughly and provided details of his six voyages. From this it is clear that Tavernier came to Agra only twice - in the winter of 1640-41 and in 1665." [1] So, it was not possible for Tavernier to see either the beginning, or the finishing of the construction of Taj Mahal. It therefore appears that his claim of seeing the beginning and end of the construction of Taj Mahal, is baseless and untrue.
History tells us that, in 1658, Aurangzeb had imprisoned his father Shahjahan in the Fort of Agra and occupied the throne. So, when Tavernier visited Agra for the second time, Aurangzeb was the emperor. While commenting on this aspect, Dr Godbole says, "No historian claims that Aurangzeb completed Taj Mahal. So, Tavernier could not have seen the completion of Taj Mahal either." [1] This also makes one doubtful about other narrations of Tavernier that says that, Shahjahan engaged 20,000 workers who laboured for 22 years to erect the edifice which is now known as Taj Mahal.
On the other hand, it is clear from the accounts of Badshahnama that in the same year (most probably within 6 months) Arjumand Banu had died, her body was exhumed from her temporary burial at Burhanpur and brought to Agra, and in the next year her body was permanently laid to rest in Agra. As it was not possible to erect a new building within such a short period of time and hence there is no doubt that an existing building was used as her permanent burial. In this regard, Badshahnama says that a marvellous building (imarat-e-alishan), with splendid dome (wa gumbaje) known as the palace of Raja Man Singh, at present owned by Raja Jai asingh, grandson of Man Singh, was selected for the burial of the Queen. Badshahnama also says that Shah Jahan gave Raja Jai Singh a place called Sharifabad in exchange of that grand palace (Ali Manzil). It is to be noted here that Badshahnama did not furnish any datail of the place Sharifabad, not also the location of the place. So, many believe that, Shah Jahan occupied the palace by brute force and to save his face his sychophant cronicler Abdul Hamid Lahori, later on, fabricated the story exchange of land in the mythical place Sharifabad.
It should also be noted here that, according to Islam, looting kafir properties is a pious duty for every Muslim. During the life time of Prophet Muhammad, Allah, through his divine message in Koran, directed the Muslims to kill the adult male kafirs, loot their wealth and riches, occupy their properties, take their women and children as captives, rape their women, keep them as sex-slaves or sale them in the slave market and so on. Muhammad, in his life time, used to receive one fourth of the loot as hoily Khum. So long Akbar was alive, the people of Allah could not perform their pious duty of occupying the palace as Mansingh was an ally of Akbar. But after his death and the death of Mansingh, there remained no hindrance for Shah Jahan to usurp the building by force and convert it into a mausoleum for his wife.

A captive kafir woman is being sold by the Muslims in a medieval slave market
It should also be mentioned here that, an author called Khan Bahaddur Syed Muhammad Latif, in his book Agra Historical and Descriptive had mentioned that the palace, now called Taj Mahal, was the property of Mansingh and after his death his grandson Jaisingh became the owner of the palace. So, Dr Godbole writes, "In 1896 Khan Bahaddur Syed Muhammad Latif wrote a book entitled Agra Historical and Descriptive. He refers to Badshahnama many times but does not quote specific page numbers. On page 105 he says, " - The site selected for the mausoleum was originally a palace of Raja Mansingh but it was now the property of his grandson Raja Jaisingh." Many authors have referred to Latif in their bibliography but have not cared to see what he has said. This truth was also hidden away from us by our Historians." [1]
Aurangzeb's Letter refutes Shah Jahan's Authorship of Taj:

The Mughal Empire

Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur was descended -in the male line from Timur and in the female line from Chengiz Khan. His family belonged to the Chaghtai section of the Turkish race, but he was commonly known as ‘Mughal’. He became the ruler of Farghana in Trans-Oxania at the age of eleven years. Unable to fulfil his desire of recapturing Samarkhand, he conquered Kabul in 1504 and then turned his eyes towards India and attacked it four times. His fifth invasion in 1526 was the decisive one.
Having got the submission of Daulat Khan Lodi and Alam _Khan Lodi, Babur proceeded towards Delhi. Meeting the forces()f1b

him Lodi at Panipat on April 21, 1526, he ­
inflicted a crushing defeat on Ibrahim. The First Battle of Panipat marked the advent of Mughal rule in India. Babur next came to grips with Rana Sanga (Sangram Singh) of Mewar, the most powerful Rajput prince of the time.

Despite a tough show of strength by Rana Sanga, the Battle of Khanua (near Fatehpur Sikri) in March 1527 went in Babur’s favour. This weakened the Rajput confederacy and strengthened Babur’s position. In 1528, Babur captured the fort of Chanderi, defeating the Rajput ruler, Medini Rai. The backbone of the Rajputs broken, Babur turned to the Afghan chiefs of Bengal and Bihar who were supporting Mahmud Lodi. In the Battle of Ghagra near Patna on May 6, 1529 Babur emerged victorious and concluded a treaty with Nusrat Shah. He next added the fortress of Ranthambhor to his catch.

Babur’s success is attributed to the effective use of artillery under Ustad Ali and Mustafa. Though his army was not huge, he was a good general with a keen sense of military strategy and arranged his men to facilitate easy movement from one part of the battle to another. He brought under his hold Punjab, Delhi and the Ganga plains up to Bihar.

Babur died in 1530 and was buried at Arambagh in Agra later his body was taken to Kabul and buried there. He was, besides being a good general, a cultured and literary man who wrote Persian poetry. His memoirs in Turki Tuzuk-i-Baburi is a valuable work and shows his humane outlook and sensitivity to the beauty of nature.


Part of Mughal conquests
Date 1527
Location Khanwa, near Agra, India
Result Decisive Mughal victory[1]
changes Northern India annexed by Babur
Mughal Empire[1] Western Afghan Confederates[1]
Rajput Confederates
Commanders and leaders
Babur Rana Sanga
Hasan Khan†
Sultan Mahmud Lodi
>12,000 soldiers including cavalry archers, matchlock men
500 Kabul reinforcements
15-20 Artillery guns (cannons) [1]

120,000 horsemen
500 War Elephants [1]
Casualties and losses
High High

The Battle of Khanwa also spelled as Khanua in some texts, was the second in a series of three major battles, victories in which gave Zahir ud-Din Babur overlordship over North India. The Battle of Panipat was the first of the series, the Battle of Ghaghra was the last[1]. This battle was fought near the village of Khanwa, about 60 km west of Agra on March 17, 1527. Babur defeated a formidable army raised by Rana Sanga of Mewar in this ten hour battle and firmly established his rule over northern India[1].Babur’s grandson Akbar the Great established the city and fort of Fatehpur Sikri in honor of his grandfather’s victory in this battle. Contents

* 1 Background
* 2 Initial skirmishes
* 3 Babur rallies his troops
* 4 Babur’s advance
* 5 Battle positions of Babur
* 6 Battle positions of Rana Sanga
* 7 The battle
* 8 Aftermath
* 9 References
* 10 Notes

Maharana Sangram Singh better known as Rana Sanga was the ruler of Mewar, a region lying within the present-day Indian state of Rajasthan, between 1509 and 1527[1]. He was a scion of the Sisodia clan of Suryavanshi Rajputs[1]. He defended his kingdom bravely from repeated invasions from the Muslim rulers of Delhi, Gujarat and Malwa[1]. He was one of the most powerful of the Hindu kings of that time. Above all, his continued expansion helped him unite the Rajputs under one confederacy[1].

This war was not the first event that introduced the two formidable commanders Rana Sanga and Babur. Before Emperor Babur had set out from Kabul, his new dominion, on his last Indian expedition he had received from the Rana an embassy conveying expressions of regard and it seems to have been arranged that while Babur attacked Sultan Ibrahim Lodi by marching upon Delhi, Rana Sanga was to attack him on the side of Agra[1]. Babur on his part complains that while he advanced and occupied these two capitals the Rana did not make a single movement. On the other hand the Rana complained of broken faith and in particular claimed Kalpi, Dholpur and Biana as his by agreement all of which had been occupied by Babur[1]. And as Agra itself had till recent times been considered as only a dependency of Biana that city might also have been understood to accompany it[1]. Successes of the mighty power of the Rana might seem to justify at once his hopes of seating himself
on the vacant throne of the Lodi’s and his more glorious ambition of expelling both the Afghan and the Turkic–Mongol invaders from India and restoring her own Hindu race of kings and her native institutions[1].

In the meanwhile however he acknowledged Sultan Mahmud Lodi the son of Sultan Sikandar Lodi who had been set up by the Western Afghan Confederates as the legal successor of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi[1].

The preparations made by Rana Sanga evidently with the intention of marching towards Biana had induced Babur not only to collect a strong force near Agra for the purpose of repelling his attack but hastily to recall Humayun from Jaunpur[1]. Soon after Rana Sanga was joined by Raja Hasan Khan Meo of Meo Rajputs who are Muslims of Indian descent, and ethnic cousins of the Jat and Gujjar castes. Raja Hasan Khan was ruler of Mewat a region lying south of Delhi, spread across south Haryana and northeast Rajasthan[1].

This news was particularly unwelcome to the Emperor Babur. The Khan was a chief of great power and influence. At the Battle of Panipat his son Naher Khan had been made prisoner and he had ever since kept up a friendly correspondence with the Emperor and a negotiation for his release[1]. Babur hoping that if he set the son at liberty he would attach the father by the strongest ties of gratitude invested Naher Khan with a dress of honor and sent him back to his father. But though the son had made the fairest promises no sooner did the old man hear that he was out of Babur’s hands and on his way to join him than without even waiting to see him he marched from Alwar his capital and joined the Rana Sanga[1]. [edit] Initial skirmishes

On February 11, 1527, the Emperor Babur marched out of Agra to proceed against Rana Sanga but halted a few days near the city to collect and review his troops, and to get in order his train of artillery, the baggage and camp followers[1]. As in this warfare he had little reliance on the Afghan chiefs or his Indian allies who had joined him, he sent several of them to strengthen his various garrisons. He then marched westward to Medhakur where he had previously caused wells to be dug and thence next day to Fatehpur Sikri which from its having plenty of water he considered as a good situation for a camp but being apprehensive that the Rana who was now near at hand might attempt to occupy the ground before his arrival he marched out with his troops in order of battle ready to attack the enemy should they appear and took possession of the place which had been chosen for his encampment close by a tank. He was now joined by Mahdi Khwaja and the troops from
Bayana which he had called in[1]. They had had some sharp encounters with the Rajputs in which they had been severely handled and taught to respect their new enemy. A party from the garrison had some days before incautiously advanced too far from the fort when the Rajputs in great force fell upon them and drove them in. All the troops that had been engaged in this affair united in bestowing unbounded praise on the gallantry and prowess of the enemy. Indeed the Chagatai Turkic–Mongols found that they had now to contend with a foe more formidable than either the Afghans of India or any of the natives of India to whom they had yet been opposed[1]. The Rajputs energetic chivalrous fond of battle and bloodshed animated by a strong national spirit and led on by a hero were ready to meet face to face the boldest veterans of the camp and were at all times prepared to lay down their life for their honor. A small party being sent out to get notice of their motions discovered that they were encamped at Bisawer[1].

Emperor Babur was accustomed to commit to his principal Baigs in turn the charge of the advance and pickets. When it was Mir Abdal Aziz’s, day that rash and impetuous youth pushed on seven or eight miles from Fatehpur Sikri. The Rajputs hearing of this incautious forward movement dispatched to meet him a body of 4000-5000 horsemen who without hesitation charged the instant they came up. His force did not exceed a 1000-1500[1]. Many of his men were killed others taken prisoners and carried off the field on the very first onset. The moment the news of what was going on reached the camp, Mohib Ali Khalifa Emperor Babur’s Grand Vizier’s son and his followers were pushed forward to their assistance and there being no room for delay, numbers of separate horsemen, as fast as they were equipped, were sent off at the best of their speed while a regular detachment under Muhammed Ali moved forward to support them Mohib Ali who arrived first found every thing in
disorder[1]. Mir Abdal Aziz’s horse tail standard taken and many excellent officers slain. Not only was he unable to turn the tide of success but was himself unhorsed though finally brought off by a desperate charge of his followers[1]. The Emperor’s troops were then pursued for about two miles and it was only the arrival of the regular detachment under Muhammad Ali that checked the enemy. Meanwhile when the alarm reached the camp the whole troops were called out and marshaled in battle order to meet the hostile army which was thought to be approaching. But after the imperial line had advanced a mile or two with all its artillery it was found that the enemy satisfied with their success had returned back to their camp. These repeated successes of the Rajputs, the unexpected valor and good conduct they displayed and their numbers for they are said to have amounted to a 120,000 horsemen along with their Mewat allies would have been considerably one of the
largest armies Babur had to face, even in modern times such a huge army would have disheartened any battle hardened soldier[1]. Babur began to see the discouragement of his troops. Every precaution was now taken to strengthen his position and to give his troops time to recover their spirit. At this critical juncture he received a small yet welcome reinforcement of 500 men from Kabul[1]. Babur decided to divert the attention of the enemy towards Mewat by sending some troops there, to ravage the territory. But the diversion did not answer his expectations[1]. [edit] Babur rallies his troops

Babur was now in some measure cooped up in his camp while the enemy was in possession of the open country. The uneasiness which he in consequence experienced in this state of inaction appears very naturally to have excited feelings of religious compunction in his mind. When he reviewed his past life he keenly felt that he had long and openly violated one of the strictest injunctions of his faith by the use of wine. Like other habitual offenders he had all along firmly resolved to give up the evil custom at some future time but that time had been constantly deferred. He now resolved to perform his vows. Babur said
“ Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups with all the other vessels used at drinking parties I directed them to be broken up and renounced the use of wine purifying my mind. The fragments of the goblets and other gold and silver drinking vessels I directed to be divided among derwishes and the poor. The first person who followed me in my repentance was Asas who also accompanied me in my resolution of ceasing to cut the beard and of allowing it to grow[1]. ”

This was a visible sign commonly adopted by such as were under the influence of a vow. Many nobles and others to the number of 300 followed the example of their sovereign[1]. Salt was thrown into the ample store of wine just arrived from Ghazni all the rest found in the camp was poured upon the ground and a well was ordered to be dug and an almshouse built on the spot to commemorate this great religious event of repentance[1]. As a boon to his Muslim followers and subjects he gave up the Temgha or stamp tax in all his dominions so far as concerned Muslims and published a firman (royal edict) to that effect on February 26[1].

The dejection and alarm of Babur’s troops had at this time reached their extreme point. The contagion had infected even his highest officers. He excepts only Mir Ali Khalifa his Grand Vizier who he says all along behaved admirably[1]. Babur whose bold and elastic mind never gave admittance to despair but even in the lowest depths of danger turned to any gleam of hope saw that matters were fast advancing to a crisis and that some stirring and energetic measures were indispensably required. He determined to make a bold exertion to infuse a portion of his own heroic ardor into the drooping spirits of his followers and for that purpose he addressed himself to the religious feelings so powerful with all Muslims but especially with such as are engaged in a Jihad against infidels. He thus made the most famous and most important speech of his life
“ Noblemen and soldiers! Every man that comes into the world is subject to dissolution When we are passed away and gone, Allah survives One and Unchangeable. Whoever sits down to the feast of life must, before it is over, drink of the cup of death. He who arrives at the inn of mortality, the world must one day without fail take his departure from that mansion of sorrow. How much better then is it to die with honor than to live with infamy[1] ”

–He then quotes a couplet from Firdowsi’s Shahnameh
“ Give me but fame and if I die I am contented

If fame be mine let Death claim my body[1]

He continues,
“ Allah Almighty has been propitious to us. He has now placed us in such a crisis that if we fall in the field we die the death of martyrs, if we survive we rise victorious the avengers of his sacred cause. Let us therefore with one accord swear on Allah’s Holy Word that none of us will for a moment think of turning his face from this warfare or shrink from the battle and slaughter that ensue till his soul is separated from his body. ”

Master and servant small and great all with emulation seizing the blessed Qur’an in their hands swore to fight to the finish. Babur’s attempt at reinvigorating his men remains to this day one of the most excellent displays of military leadership[1]. [edit] Babur’s advance

With his troops now in high spirits Babur decided to advance from the entrenchments in which the army had so long been cooped up. It was on March 12, 1527 that Babur drew forward his guns and a kind of defensive cover that moved on wheels and which served as a breastwork supporting them by his matchlock men and all his army[1]. He himself galloped along the line animating his troops and officers and giving them instructions how to conduct themselves in every emergency that could occur. The army having advanced a mile or two halted to encamp. As soon as the Rajputs heard that they were in motion several bodies of them galloped close up to the guns[1]. Babur not intending to engage in a general action that day quietly finished his entrenchments and ditches and then sent out a few horsemen to skirmish with them and try the temper of his men. They took several prisoners and returned with a number of heads elevated on their spears or dangling from their
saddle bows which had a wonderful effect in restoring the confidence of the troops[1].

He now threw up other trenches in a position about a mile or two farther in advance near the spot which he had pitched upon as favorable for a general engagement and when they were finished advanced to occupy them dragging forward his guns. His people having reached their ground were still busy in pitching their tents when news was brought that the enemy was in sight[1]. All were instantly ordered to their posts. Babur mounted and drew up his troops riding cheerfully along the ranks and confidently assuring them of victory. [edit] Battle positions of Babur

The center Babur took to himself assisted by Chin Taimur Sultan the right wing he committed to Humayun who had under him Kasim Hussein Sultan, Hindu Baig and Khusroe Kokultash the left wing he entrusted to Syed Mehdi Khwaja with Muhammad Sultan Mirza, Abdal Aziz and Muhammad Ali[1].

He appointed strong reserves to carry out rescue efforts wherever required. On the right and left placed two flanking columns chiefly composed of Mughal troops who formed what is called the Tulughma and were on a signal given to wheel round on the enemy’s flank and rear in the heat of battle.[1] This arrangement he had learned to his cost in his early wars with the Uzbeks and he had practiced it in his later wars with brilliant success[1]. His Indian allied troops appear to have been stationed chiefly in the left[1]. His artillery under Ustad Ali Kuli was placed in the center in front connected by chains and protected by the moveable defenses or breastworks which he had constructed, behind which were placed matchlock men and in their rear a body of chosen troops ready either to repel any attack from behind or themselves to rush forward and charge the enemy whenever the chains that connected the guns were dropped to permit their passage[1]. The army
abounded with veteran commanders who had learned the art of war under the Emperor himself. [edit] Battle positions of Rana Sanga

In the Rajput army the commanders under Rana Sanga were generally great chieftains who from their territorial possessions could bring a large force into the field. Thus Silhadi a Tomar Rajput chieftain of northeast Malwa the Chief of Bhilsa is rated at 30,000 Purabiya Soldiers Hasan Khan of Mewat 12,000 Raul Uday Singh Nagari of Dongerpur 10,000 Medini Rao the Chief of Chanderi 10,000[1]. The first and last of these had acted an important part in the history of Malwa. Sultan Mahmud Lodi a son of Sultan Sikander Lodi of Delhi who was acknowledged by the Afghans of the Delhi kingdom and by the Rana as the successor of his brother Ibrahim Lodi though he possessed no territory yet had with him a body of 10,000 adventurers who hoped to be liberally rewarded should fortune raise him to the throne[1]. There were other chiefs who could command each from 4000-7000 men and all were animated by the most exalted hopes and by hatred of the common enemy[1]. They
also possessed 500 war elephants and included 7 Rajas, 9 Raos and 104 Rawals and Rawats (lesser chieftains). A more gallant army could not be put into the field. [edit] The battle

Khanwa is about 60 km west of Agra[1]. Here the epic battle between the Muslim Mughals and the Hindu Rajputs would play out and decide the fate of India. The battle began about 9:30 in the morning by a desperate charge made by the Rajputs on Babur’s right[1]. Bodies of the reserve were pushed on to its assistance and Mustafa Rumi who commanded one portion of the artillery on the right of the center opened a fire upon the assailants[1]. Still new bodies of the enemy poured on undauntedly and new detachments from the reserve were sent to resist them. The battle was no less desperate on the left to which also it was found necessary to dispatch repeated parties from the reserve. When the battle had lasted several hours and still continued to rage, Babur sent orders to the flanking columns to wheel round and charge and he soon after ordered the guns to advance and by a simultaneous movement the household troops and cavalry stationed behind the cannon were
ordered to gallop out on right and left of the matchlockmen in the center who also moved forward and continued their fire hastening to fling themselves with all their fury on the enemy’s center[1]. When this was observed in the wings they also advanced[1]. These unexpected movements made at the same moment threw the enemy into confusion. Mughal cannon fire caused the elephants in the Rajput army to stampede[1]. Mughal cavalry archers made repeated flanking charges from the left and right of their fortified position. These mounted archers inflicted maximum losses on Rajput ranks, as the latter were not accustomed to these tactics, their center was shaken, the men who were displaced by the attack made in flank on the wings and rear were forced upon the center and crowded together[1]. Still the gallant Rajputs were not appalled. They made repeated desperate attacks on the Emperor’s center in hopes of recovering the day but were bravely and steadily
received by the Mughals and swept away in great numbers[1]. Towards evening the Rajput defeat was complete and the slaughter was consequently dreadful. The fate of the battle was decided.

Nothing remained for the Rajputs to do but to force their way through the bodies of their kinsmen and enemy that were now in their rear and to affect a retreat[1].Emperor Babur pursued them as far as their camp which was about three or four miles from his own. On reaching it he halted but detached a strong body of horse with orders to pursue the broken troops of the Rajput Confederates without halting to cut up all they met and to prevent them from re assembling[1]. But Rana Sanga escaped. Babur later mentions his regret in not going with the detachment in pursuing the broken Rajput troops because of Rana Sanga’s escape[1]. [edit] Aftermath

No victory could be more complete. The enemy were quite broken and dispersed. The whole fields around were strewed with the dead as well as the roads to Bayana and Alwar. Among the slain were Hasan Khan who fell by a matchlock shot, Raul Uday Singh of Dongerpur, Rai Chanderbhan Chauhan, Manikchand Chauhan (later awarded Kotharia jagir posthumously) and many other chiefs of note. Clearly Babur’s superior leadership and modern technology won the day. Babur henceforth assumed the proud title of Ghazi (Victorious Veteran of Jihad). Babur should be remembered more for this battle than for the Battle of Panipat. As for Sultan Mahmud Lodi, he also fled eastwards and would again pose a challenge to Babur two years later at the Battle of Ghaghra[1].

Since the time Babur had left Agra for this battle, insurrection and revolt appeared on every hand. The towns and forts of which with so much labor he had gained possession were fast changing masters. Raberi and Chandwar on the Yamuna River Koel in the Doab and Sambhal beyond the Ganges all of them near Agra had been retaken by the Afghans. His troops had been obliged to abandon Kanauj[1]. Gwalior was blockaded by the Rajputs of the vicinity Alim Khan Jilal Khan Jighat of Kalpi who was sent to relieve it instead of executing his orders had marched off to his own country[1]. Many Hindu chiefs deserted the cause of Babur[1]. Indeed the previous conquests and recent success of Rana Sanga a Hindu had inspired all his countrymen with hopes that a change of dynasty was about to take place and they hailed with joy the prospect of a native government. But after the battle of Khanwa, Babur sent forces to chastise the insurgents and quickly retook lost territories[1].

Being now disengaged of his most formidable enemies he was enabled to send a force to recover Chandwar and Raberi places not far distant from Agra of which the insurgents had made themselves masters during his operations against Rana Sanga[1]. The consternation occasioned by his success was such that this object was affected with little difficulty and even Etawah lower down the Yamuna which had never yet submitted to his power, was surrendered by Kutb Khan[1]. Rana Sanga died shortly after this battle in 1527 at Baswa on Mewar’s northern border. [edit] References

* A History of India Under the Two First Sovereigns of the House of Taimur, Báber and Humáyun by William Erskine, Published by Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1854 [1]

1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi bj bk bl bm bn bo bp A History of India Under the Two First Sovereigns of the House of Taimur, Báber and Humáyun, by William Erskine, Published by Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1854, Public Domain

Battle of Khanua or Fatehpur Sikri, 16 March 1527 - History

Sangram, better known in the annals of Mewar as Sanga (called Sanka by the Mogul historians1044), succeeded in S. 1565 (A.D. 1509). With this prince Mewar reached the summit of her prosperity. To use their own metaphor, &ldquohe was the kalas1045 on the pinnacle of her glory.&rdquo From him we shall witness this glory on the wane and though many rays of splendour illuminated her declining career, they served but to gild the ruin.

The imperial chair, since occupied by the Tuar descendant of the Pandus, and the first and last of the Chauhans, and which had been filled successively by the dynasties of Ghazni and Ghor, the Iihilji and Lodi, was now shivered to pieces, and numerous petty thrones were constructed of its fragments. Mewar little dreaded these imperial puppets, &ldquowhen Amurath to Amurath succeeded,&rdquo and when four kings reigned simultaneously between Delhi and Benares1046. The kings of Malwa, though leagued with those of Gujarat, conjoined to the rebels, could make no impression on Mewar when Sanga led her heroes. Eighty thousand horse, seven Rajas of the highest rank, nine Raos, and one hundred and four chieftains bearing the titles of Rawal and Rawat, with five hundred war elephants, followed him into the field. The princes of Marwar and Amber1047 did him homage, and the Raos of Gwalior

Ajmer, Sikri, Raesen1048, Ralpi, Chanderi, [300] Bundi, Gagraun, Rampura, and Abu, served him as tributaries or held of him in chief.

Sanga did not forget those who sheltered him in his reverses. Karamchand of Srinagar had a grant of Ajmer and the title of Rao for his son Jagmall, the reward of his services in the reduction of Chanderi.

The Administration and Wars of Rana Sanga

In a short space of time, Sanga entirely allayed the disorders occasioned by the intestine feuds of his family and were it permitted to speculate on the cause which prompted a temporary cession of his rights and his dignities to his more impetuous brother, it might be discerned in a spirit of forecast, and of fraternal and patriotic forbearance, a deviation from which would have endangered the country as well as the safety of his family. We may assume this, in order to account for an otherwise pusillanimous surrender of his birthright, and being in contrast to all the subsequent heroism of his life, which, when he resigned, was contained within the wreck of a form. Sanga organized his forces, with which he always kept the field, and ere called to contend with the descendant of Timur, he had gained eighteen pitched battles against the kings of Delhi and Malwa. In two of these he was opposed by Ibrahim Lodi in person, at Bakrol and Glutton, in which last battle the imperial forces were defeated with great slaughter, leaving a prisoner of the blood royal to grace the triumph of Chitor. The Pilakhal (yellow rivulet) near Bayana became the northern boundary of Mewar, with the Sind River to the east, &ndash touching Malwa to the south, while his native hills were an impenetrable barrier to the west. Thus swaying, directly or by control, the greater part of Rajasthan, and adored by the Rajputs for the possession of those qualities they hold in estimation, Sanga was ascending to the pinnacle of distinction and had not fresh hordes of Usbeks and Tatars from the prolific shores of the Oxus and Jaxartes again poured down on the devoted plains

of Hindustan, the crown of the Chakravartin1049 might again have encircled the brow of a Hindu, and the banner of supremacy been transferred from Indraprastha to the battlements of Chitor. But Babur arrived at a critical time to rally the dejected followers of the Koran, and to collect them around his own victorious standard.

Invasions from Central Asia

From the earliest recorded periods of her history, India has been the prey of [301] the more hardy population from the central regions of Asia. From this fact we may infer another, namely, that its internal form of government was the same as at the present day, partitioned into numerous petty kingdoms, of tribes and clans, of a feudal federation, a prey to all the jealousies inseparable from such a condition.. The historians of Alexander bear ample testimony to such form of government, when the Panjab alone possessed many sovereigns, besides the democracies of cities. The Persians overran it, and Darius the Mede accounted India the richest of his satrapies. The Greeks, the Parthians have left in their medals the best proofs of their power the Getae or Yuti followed and from the Ghori Shihabu-d-din to the Chagatai Babur, in less than three centuries, five invasions are recorded, each originating a dynasty. Sanga&rsquos opponent was the last, and will continue so until the rays of knowledge renovate the ancient nursery of the human race, &ndash then may end the anomaly in the history of power, of a handful of Britons holding the succession to the Mede, the Parthian, and the Tatar. But, however surprise may be excited at witnessing such rapidity of change, from the physical superiority of man over man, it is immeasurably heightened at the little moral consequence which in every other region of the world has always attended such concussions. Creeds have changed, races have mingled, and names have been effaced from the page of history but in this corner of civilization we have no such result, and the Rajput remains the same singular being, concentrated in his prejudices, political and moral, as in the days of Alexander, desiring no change himself, and still less to cause any in others. Whatever be the conservative principle, it merits a philosophic analysis but more, a proper application and direction, by those to whom the destinies of this portion of the globe are confided

for in this remote spot there is a nucleus of energy, on which may accumulate a mass for our support or our destruction.

To return: a descendant of the Turushka of the Jaxartes, the ancient foe of the children of Surya and Chandra, was destined to fulfil the prophetic Purana which foretold dominion &ldquoto the Turushka, the Yavan,&rdquo and other foreign races in Hind and the conquered made a right application of the term Turk, both as regards its ancient and modern signification, when applied to the conquerors from Turkistan. Babur, the opponent of Sanga, was king of Ferghana, and of Turki race. His dominions were on both sides the Jaxartes, a portion of ancient [302] Sakatai, or Sakadwipa (Scythia), where dwelt Tomyris the Getic queen immortalized by Herodotus, and where her opponent erected Cyropolis, as did in after-times the Macedonian his most remote Alexandria. From this region did the same Getae, Jat, or Yuti, issue, to the destruction of Bactria, two centuries before the Christian era, and also five subsequent thereto to found a kingdom in Northern India. Again, one thousand years later, Babur issued with his bands to the final subjugation of India. As affecting India alone, this portion of the globe merits deep attention but as the officina gentium, whence issued those hordes of Asii, Juts, or Yeuts (of whom the Angles were a branch), who peopled the shores of the Baltic, and the precursors of those Goths who, under Attila and Marie, altered the condition of Europe, its importance is vastly enhanced1050. But on this occasion it was not redundant population which made the descendant of Timur and Jenghiz abandon the Jaxartes for the Ganges, but unsuccessful ambition: for Babur quitted the delights of Samarkand as a fugitive, and commenced his enterprise, which gave him the throne of the Pandas, with less than two thousand adherents.

Character of Babur

The Rajput prince had a worthy antagonist in the king of Ferghana. Like Sanga, he was trained in the school of adversity, and like him, though his acts of personal heroism were even romantic, he tempered it with that discretion which looks to its results. In A.D. 1494, at the tender age of twelve, he succeeded to a kingdom ere he was sixteen he defeated several confederacies and conquered Samarkand, and in two short years again lost and regained it. His life was a tissue

of successes and reverses at one moment hailed lord of the chief kingdoms of Transoxiana at another flying, unattended, or putting all to hazard in desperate single combats, in one of which he slew five champions of his enemies. Driven at length from Ferghana, in despair he crossed the Hindu-Kush, and in 1519 the Indus. Between the Panjab and Kabul he lingered seven years, ere he advanced to measure his sword with Ibrahim of Delhi. Fortune returned to his standard Ibrahim was slain, his army routed and dispersed, and Delhi and Agra opened their gates to the fugitive king of Ferghana. His reflections on success evince it was his due: &ldquoNot to me, O God! but to thee, be the victory!&rdquo says the chivalrous Babur. A year had elapsed in possession of Delhi, ere he ventured against the most powerful of his antagonists, Rana Sanga of Chitor.

With all Babur&rsquos qualities as a soldier, supported by the hardy clans of the &lsquocloud mountains&rsquo (Belut Tagh) [303] of Karateghin1051,

The ruins of the fortress of Bayana

the chances were many that he and they terminated their career on the &lsquoyellow rivulet&rsquo of Bayana. Neither bravery nor skill saved him from this fate, which he appears to have expected. What better proof can be desired than Babur&rsquos own testimony to the fact, that a horde of invaders from the Jaxartes, without support or retreat, were obliged to entrench themselves to the teeth in the face of their Rajput foe, alike brave and overpowering in numbers? To ancient jealousies he was indebted for not losing his life instead of gaining a crown, and for being extricated from a condition so desperate that even the frenzy of religion, which made death martyrdom in &ldquothis holy war,&rdquo scarcely availed to expel the despair which so infected his followers, that in the bitterness of his heart he says &ldquothere was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a courageous opinion.&rdquo

The Battle of Khanua, March 16, 1527

Babur advanced from Agra and Sikri to oppose Rana Sanga, in full march to attack him at the head of almost all the princes of Rajasthan. Although the annals state some points which the imperial historian has not recorded, yet both accounts of the conflict correspond in all the essential details. On the 5th of Kartik, S. 15841052 (A.D. 1528), according to the annals, the Rana raised the siege of Bayana, and at Khanua encountered the advanced guard of the Tatars, amounting to fifteen hundred men, which was entirely destroyed the fugitives carrying to the main body the accounts of the disaster, which paralysed their energies, and made them entrench for security, instead of advancing with the confidence of victory. Reinforcements met the same fate, and were pursued to the camp. Accustomed to reverses, Babur met the check without dismay, and adopted every precaution [304] that a mind fertile in expedients could suggest to reassure the drooping spirits of his troops. He threw up entrenchments, in which he placed his artillery, connecting his guns by chains, and in the more exposed parts chevaux de frise, united by leather ropes: a precaution

continued in every subsequent change of position. Everything seemed to aid the Hindu cause: even the Tatar astrologer asserted that as Mars was in the west, whoever should engage coming from the opposite quarter should be defeated. In this state of total inactivity, blockaded in his encampment, Babur remained near a fortnight, when he determined to renounce his besetting sin, and merit superior aid to extricate himself from his peril: the naïveté of his vow must be given in his own words1053.

But the destruction of the wine flasks would appear only to have added to the existing consternation, and made him, as a last resort, appeal to their faith. Having addressed them in a speech of [305] manly courage, though bordering on despair, he seized the happy moment that his exhortation elicited, to swear them on the Koran to conquer or perish1054. Profiting by this excitement, he broke up his camp, to which he had been confined nearly a month, and marched in order of battle to a position two miles in advance, the Rajputs skirmishing tip to his guns. Without

a regular circumvallation, his movable pallisadoes and guns Chained, he felt no security. The inactivity of Sanga can scarcely escape censure, however we may incline to palliate it by supposing that he deemed his enemy in the toils, and that every day&rsquos delay brought with it increased danger to him. Such reasoning would be valid, if the heterogeneous mass by which the prince of Mewar was surrounded had owned the same patriotic sentiments as himself: but he ought to have known his countrymen, nor overlooked the regulating maxim of their ambition, get land. Delay was fatal to this last coalition against the foes of his race. Babur is silent on the point to which the annals ascribe their discomfiture, a negotiation pending his blockade at Khanna but these have preserved it, with the name of the traitor who sold the cause of his country. The negotiation1055 had reached this point, that on condition of Babur being left Delhi and its dependencies, the Pilakhal at Bayana should be the boundary of their respective dominions, and even an annual tribute was offered to the Rana. [306] We can believe that in the position Babur then was, he would not scruple to promise anything. The chief of Raesen, by name Salehdi, of the Tuar tribe, was the medium of communication, and though the arrangement was negatived, treason had effected the salvation of Babur.

On March 16 the attack commenced by a furious onset on the centre and right wing of the Tatars, and for several hours the conflict was tremendous. Devotion was never more manifest on the side of the Rajput, attested by the long list of noble names amongst the slain as well as the bulletin of their foe, whose artillery made dreadful havoc in the close ranks of the Rajput cavalry, which could not force the entrenchments, nor reach the infantry which defended them. While the battle was still doubtful, the Tuar traitor who led the van (harawal) went over to Babur, and Sanga was obliged to retreat from the field, which in the onset promised a glorious victory, himself severely wounded and the choicest of his chieftains slain: Rawal Udai1056 Singh of

Dungarpur, with two hundred of his clan Ratna of Salumbar, with three hundred of his Chondawat kin Raemall Rathor, son of the prince of Marwar, with the brave Mertia leaders Khetsi and Ratna Ramdas the Sonigira Rao Uja the Jhala Gokuldas Pramara Manikehand and Chandrbhan, Chauhan chiefs of the first rank in Mewar besides a host of inferior names1057. Hasan Khan of Mewat, and a son of the last Lodi king of Delhi, who coalesced with Sanga, were amongst the killed1058. Triumphal pyramids were raised of the heads of the slain, and on a hillock which overlooked the field of battle a tower of skulls was erected and the conqueror assumed the title of Ghazi, which has ever since been retained by his descendants.

The Death of Rana Sanga

Sanga retreated towards the hills of Mewat, having announced his fixed determination never to re-enter Chitor but with victory. Had his life been spared to his country, he might have redeemed the pledge but the year of his defeat was the last of his existence, and he died at Baswa1059, on the frontier of Mewat, not without suspicion of poison. It is painful to record the surmise that his ministers prompted the deed, and the cause is one which would fix a deep stain on the country namely, the purchase by regicide of inglorious case and stipulated safety, in [307] preference to privations and dangers, and to emulating the manly constancy of their prince, who resolved to make the heavens his canopy till his foe was crushed &ndash a determination which was pursued with the most resolute perseverance by some of his gallant successors.

Evils resulting from Polygamy

Polygamy is the fertile source of evil, moral as well as physical, in the East. It is a relic of barbarism and primeval necessity, affording a proof that

ancient Asia is still young in knowledge. The desire of each wife1060, that her offspring should wear a crown, is natural but they do not always wait the course of nature for the attainment of their wishes, and the love of power too often furnishes instruments for any deed, however base. When we see, shortly after the death of Sanga, the mother of his second son intriguing with Babur, and bribing him with the surrender of Ranthambhor and the trophy of victory, the crown of the Malwa king, to supplant the lawful heir, we can easily suppose she would not have scrupled to remove any other bar. On this occasion, however, the suspicion rests on the ministers alone. That Babur respected and dreaded his foe we have the best proof in his not risking another battle with him and the blame which he bestows on himself for the slackness of his pursuit after victory is honourable to Sanga, who is always mentioned with respect in the commentaries of the conqueror: and although he generally styles him the Pagan, and dignifies the contest with the title of &ldquothe holy war,&rdquo yet he freely acknowledges his merit when he says, &ldquoRana Sanga attained his present high eminence by his own valour and his sword.&rdquo

Appearance of Rana Sanga

Sanga Rana was of the middle stature, but of great muscular strength fair in complexion, with unusually large eyes, which appear to be peculiar to his descendants1061. He exhibited at his death but the fragments of a warrior: one eye was lost in the broil with his brother an arm in an action with the Lodi king of Delhi, and he was a cripple owing to a limb being broken by a cannon-ball in another [308] while he counted eighty wounds from the sword or the lance on various parts of his body. He was celebrated for energetic

enterprise, of which his capture of Muzaffar, king of Malwa, in his own capital, is a celebrated instance and his successful storm of the almost impregnable Ranthambhor, though ably defended by the imperial general Ali, gained him great renown. He erected a small palace at Khanua, on the line which he determined should be the northern limit of Mewar and had he been succeeded by a prince possessed of his foresight and judgment, Babur&rsquos descendants might not have retained the sovereignty of India. A cenotaph long marked the spot where the fire consumed the remains of this celebrated prince. Sanga had seven sons, of whom the two elder died in non-age. He was succeeded by the third son,

Rana Ratan Singh II, A.D. 1527&ndash31

Ratna (S. 1586, A.D. 1530) possessed all the arrogance and martial virtue of his race. Like his father, he determined to make the field his capital, and commanded that the gates of Chitor never should be closed, boasting that &ldquoits portals were Delhi and Mandu.&rdquo Had he been spared to temper by experience the exuberance of youthful impetuosity, he would have well seconded the resolution of his father, and the league against the enemies of his country and faith. But he was not destined to pass the age always dangerous to the turbulent and impatient Rajput, ever courting strife if it would not find him. He had married by stealth the daughter of Prithiraj of Amber, probably before the death of his elder brothers made him heir to Chitor. His double-edged sword, the proxy of the Rajput cavalier, represented Ratna on this occasion1062. Unfortunately it was kept but too secret for the Hara prince of Bundi1063, in ignorance of the fact, demanded and obtained her to wife, and carried her to his capital. The consequences are attributable to the Rana alone, for he ought, on coming to the throne, to have espoused her but his vanity was flattered at the mysterious transaction, which he deemed would prevent all application for the hand of his &lsquoaffianced&rsquo (manga). The bards of Bundi are rather pleased to record the power of their

princes, who dared to solicit and obtain the hand of the &lsquobride&rsquo of Chitor. The princes of Bundi had long been attached to the Sesodia house: and from the period when their common ancestors fought together on the banks of the Ghaggar against [309] Shihabu-d-din, they had silently grown to power under the wing of Mewar, and often proved a strong plume in her pinion. The Hara inhabited the hilly tract on her eastern frontier, and though not actually incorporated with Mewar, they yet paid homage to her princes, bore her ensigns and titles, and in return often poured forth their blood. But at the tribunal of Ananga1064, the Rajput scattered all other homage and allegiance to the winds. The maiden of Amber saw no necessity for disclosing her secret or refusing the brave Hara, of whom fame spoke loudly, when Ratna delayed to redeem his proxy.

Death of Rana Ratan Singh

The unintentional offence sank deep into the heart of the Rana, and though he was closely connected with the Ham, having married his sister, he brooded on the means of revenge, in the attainment of which he sacrificed his own life as well as that of his rival. The festival of the Aheria1065 (the spring hunt), which has thrice been fatal to the princes of Mewar, gave the occasion, when they fell by each other&rsquos weapons. Though Ratna enjoyed the dignity only five years, he had the satisfaction to see the ex-king of Ferghana, now founder of the Mogul dynasty of India, leave the scene before him, and without the diminution of an acre of land to Mewar since the fatal day of Bayana. Rana Ratna was succeeded by his brother,

Rana Bikramajit, A.D. 1531&ndash35

Bikramajit1066, in S. 1591 (A.D. 1535). This prince had all the turbulence, without the redeeming qualities of character, which endeared his brother to his subjects he was insolent, passionate, and vindictive, and utterly regardless of that respect which his proud nobles rigidly exacted. Instead of appearing at their head, he passed his time amongst wrestlers and prize-fighters, on whom and a multitude

of &lsquopaiks,&rsquo or foot soldiers, he lavished those gifts and that approbation, to which the aristocratic Rajput, the equestrian order of Rajasthan, arrogated exclusive right. In this innovation he probably imitated his foes, who had learned the superiority of infantry, despised by the Rajput, who, except in sieges, or when they spread the carpet and hamstrung their steeds,&rsquo held the foot-soldier very cheap. The use of artillery was now becoming general, and the [310] Muslims soon perceived the necessity of foot for their protection: but prejudice operated longer upon the Rajput, who still curses those vile guns,&rsquo which render of comparatively little value the lance of many a gallant soldier and he still prefers falling with dignity from his steed to descending to an equality with his mercenary antagonist.

An open rupture was the consequence of such innovation, and (to use the figurative expression for misrule) &lsquoPapa Bai ka Raj1067&rsquo was triumphant the police were despised the cattle carried off by the mountaineers from under the walls of Chitor and when his cavaliers were ordered in pursuit, the Rana was tauntingly told to send his paiks.

The Attack by Bahadur, Sultan of Gujarat

Bahadur, sultan of Gujarat, determined to take advantage of the Rajput divisions,. to revenge the disgrace of the defeat and captivity of his predecessor Muzaffar1068. Reinforced by the troops of Mandu, he marched against the Rana, then encamped at Loicha, in the Bundi territory. Though the force was overwhelming, yet with the high courage which belonged to his house, Bikramajit did not hesitate to give battle but he found weak defenders in his mercenary paiks, while his vassals and kin not only kept aloof, but marched off in a body to defend Chitor, and the posthumous son of Sanga Rana, still an infant.

There is a sanctity in the very name of Chitor, which from the earliest times secured her defenders and now, when threatened again by &lsquothe barbarian,&rsquo such the inexplicable character of the Rajput, we find the heir of Surajmall abandoning his new capital of Deolia, to pour out the few drops which yet circulated in his veins in defence of the abode of his fathers.

&lsquoThe son of Bundi,&rsquo with a brave band of five hundred Haras, also came as did the Sonigira and Deora Raos of Jalor and Abu, with many auxiliaries from all parts of Hajwara. This was the most powerful effort hitherto made by the sultans of Central India, and European artillerists1069 are recorded in these [311] annals as brought to the subjugation of Chitor. The engineer is styled &lsquoLabri Khan of Friugan,&rsquo and to his skill Bahadur was indebted for the successful storm which ensued. He sprung a mine at the &lsquoBika rock,&rsquo which blew up forty-five cubits of the rampart, with the bastion where the brave Haras were posted. The Bundi bards dwell on this incident, which destroyed their prince and five hundred of his kin. Rao Durga, with the Chondawat chieftains Sata and Dudu and their vassals, bravely defended the breach and repelled many assaults and, to set an example of courageous devotion, the queen-mother Jawahir Bai, of Rathor race, .clad in armour, headed a sally in which she was slain. Still the besiegers gained ground, and the

last council convened was to concert means to save the infant son of Sanga from this imminent peril.

Crowning of a New Rana

But Chitor can only be defended by royalty, and again they had recourse to the expedient of crowning a king, as a sacrifice to the dignity of the protecting deity of Chitor. Baghji, prince of Deolia, courted the insignia of destruction the banner of Mewar floated over him, and the golden sun from its sable field never shone more refulgent than when the changi1070 was raised amidst the shouts of her defenders over the head of the son of Surajmall.

The Johar

The infant, Udai Singh, was placed in safety with Surthan, prince of Bundi1071, the garrison put on their saffron robes, while materials for the johar were preparing. There was little time for the pyre. The bravest had fallen in defending the breach, now completely exposed. Combustibles were quickly heaped up in reservoirs and magazines excavated in the rock, under which gunpowder was strewed. Karnavati, mother of the prince, and sister to the gallant Arjun Hasa, led the procession of willing victims to their doom, and thirteen thousand females were thus swept at once from the record of life. The gates were thrown open, and the Deolia chief, at the head of the survivors, with a blind and impotent despair, rushed on his fate. [312]

Bahadur must have been appalled at the horrid sight on viewing his conquest1072 the mangled bodies of the slain, with hundreds in the last agonies from the poniard or poison, awaiting death as less dreadful than dishonour and captivity1073. To use the emphatic

words of the annalist, &ldquothe last day of Chitor had arrived.&rdquo Every clan lost its chief, and the choicest of their retainers during the siege and in the storm thirty-two thousand Rajputs were slain. This is the second sakha of Chitor.

Bahadur had remained but a fortnight, when the tardy advance of Humayun with his succours warned him to retire1074. According to the annals, he left Bengal at the solicitation of the queen Karnavati but instead of following up the spoil-encumbered foe, he commenced a pedantic war of words with Bahadur, punning on the word &lsquoChitor.&rsquo Had Humayun not been so distant, this catastrophe would have been averted, for he was bound by the laws of chivalry, the claims of which he had acknowledged, to defend the queen&rsquos cause, whose knight he had become. The relation of the peculiarity of a custom analogous to the taste of the chivalrous age of Europe may amuse. When her Amazonian sister the Rathor queen was slain, the mother of the infant prince took a surer method to shield him in demanding the fulfilment of the pledge given by Humayun when she sent the Rakhi to that monarch.

The Rakhi

&lsquoThe festival of the bracelet&rsquo (Rakhi) is in spring, and whatever its origin, it is one of the few when an intercourse of gallantry of the most delicate nature is established between the fair sex and the cavaliers of Rajasthan. Though the bracelet may be sent by maidens, it is only on occasions of urgent necessity or danger. The Rajput dame bestows with the Rakhi the title of adopted brother and while its acceptance secures to her all the protection of a cavalière servente, scandal itself never suggests any other tie to his devotion. He may hazard his life in her cause, and yet never receive a smile in reward, for he cannot even see the fair object who, as brother of her adoption, has constituted him her defender. But there is a charm in the mystery of such connexion, never endangered by close observation, and the loyal to the fair may well attach a value [313] to the public recognition of being the Rakhi-band Bhai, the &lsquobracelet-bound brother&rsquo of a princess. The intrinsic value of such pledge is

never looked to, nor is it requisite it should be costly, though it varies with the means and rank of the donor, and may be of flock silk and spangles, or gold chains and gems. The acceptance of the pledge and its return is by the kachhli, or corset, of simple silk or satin, of gold brocade and pearls. In shape or application there is nothing similar in Europe, and as defending the most delicate part of the structure of the fair, it is peculiarly appropriate as an emblem of devotion. A whole province has often accompanied the Kachhli, and the monarch of India was so pleased with this courteous delicacy in the customs of Rajasthan, on receiving the bracelet of the princess Karnavati, which invested him with the title of her brother, and uncle and protector to her infant! Mai Singh, that he pledged himself to her service, &ldquoeven if the demand were the castle of Ranthambhor.&rdquo Humayun proved himself a true knight, and even abandoned his conquests in Bengal when called on to redeem his pledge and succour Chitor, and the widows and minor sons of Sanga Rana1075. Humayun had the highest proofs of the worth of those courting his protection he was with his father Babur in all his wars in India, and at the battle of Bayana his prowess was conspicuous, and is recorded by Babur&rsquos own pen. He amply fulfilled his pledge, expelled the foe from Chitor, took Mandu by assault, and, as some revenge. for her king&rsquos aiding the king of Gujarat, he sent for the Rana Bikramajit, whom, following their own notions of

investiture, he girt with a sword in the captured citadel of his foe1076.

The Muhammadan historians, strangers to their customs, or the secret motives which caused the emperor to abandon Bengal, ascribe it to the Rana&rsquos solicitation but we may credit the annals, which are in unison with the chivalrous notions of the Rajputs, into which succeeding monarchs, the great Akbar, his son [314] Jahangir, and Shah Jahan, entered with delight and even Aurangzeb, two of whose original letters to the queen-mother of Udaipur are now in the author&rsquos possession, and are remarkable for their elegance and purity of diction, and couched in terms perfectly accordant with Rajput delicacy1077.

Restoration of Bikramajit

Bikramajit, thus restored to his capital, had gained nothing by adversity or, to employ the words of the annalist, &ldquoexperience had yielded no wisdom.&rdquo He renewed all his former insolence to his chiefs, and so entirely threw aside his own dignity, and, what is of still greater consequence, the reverence universally shown to old age, as to strike in open court Karamchand of Ajmer, the protector of his father Sanga in his misfortunes. The assembly rose with one accord at this indignity to their order and as they retired, the Chondawat leader Kanji, the first of the nobles, exclaimed, &ldquoHitherto, brother chiefs, we have had but a smell of the blossom, but now we shall be obliged to eat the fruit&rdquo to which the insulted Pramara added, as he hastily retired, &ldquoTo-morrow its flavour will be known.&rdquo

Though the Rajput looks up to his sovereign as to a divinity, and is enjoined implicit obedience by his religion, which rewards him accordingly hereafter, yet this doctrine has its limits, and precedents are abundant for deposal, when the acts of the prince may endanger the realm. But there is a bond of love as well as of awe which restrains them, and softens its severity in the paternity of sway for these princes are at once the father and king of their people: not in fiction, but reality &ndash for he is the

representative of the common ancestor of the aristocracy &ndash the sole lawgiver of Rajasthan.

Death of Rana Bikramajit

Sick of these minors (and they had now a third in prospect), which in a few years had laid prostrate the throne of Mewar, her nobles on leaving their unworthy prince repaired to Banbir, the natural son of the heroic Prithiraj, and offered &ldquoto seat him on the throne of Chitor.&rdquo He had the virtue to resist the solicitation and it was only on painting the dangers which threatened the country, if its chief at such a period had not their confidence, that he gave his consent. The step between the deposal and death of a king is necessarily short, [315] and the cries of the females, which announced the end of Bikramajit, were drowned in the acclamations raised on the elevation of the changi over the head of the bastard Banbir.


1045. The ball or urn which crowns the pinnacle (sikhar).

1046. Delhi, Bayana, Kalpi, and Jaunpur.

1047. Prithiraj was yet but Rao of Amber, a name now lost in Jaipur. The twelve sons of this prince formed the existing subdivisions or clans of the Kachhwahas, whose political consequence dates from Humayun, the son and successor of Babur.

1048. [Sikri, afterwards Fatehpur Sikri, the site of Akbar&rsquos palace Raesen in Bhopal State (IGI, xxi. 62 f.).]

1049. Universal potentate: [&ldquohe whose chariot wheels run everywhere without obstruction&rdquo] the Hindus reckon only six of these in their history.

1050. [As usual, the Indian Jats are identified with the Getae, Iutae or Iuti, Jutes of Bede.]

1051. [The author borrows from Elphinstone, Caubul, i. 118.] The literary world is much indebted to Mr. Erskine for his Memoirs of Baber, a work of a most original stamp and rare value for its extensive historical and geographical details of a very interesting portion of the globe. The king of Ferghana, like Caesar, was the historian of his own conquests, and unites all the qualities of the romantic troubadour to those of the warrior and statesman. it is not saying too much when it is asserted, that Mr. Erskine is the only person existing who could have made such a translation, or preserved the great charm of the original &ndash its elevated simplicity and though his modesty makes him share the merit with Dr. Leyden, it is to him the public thanks are due. Mr. Erskine&rsquos introduction is such as might have been expected from his well-known erudition and research, and with the notes interspersed adds immensely to the value of the original. [A new translation by Mrs. Beveridge is in course of publication.] With his geographical materials, those of Mr. Elphinstone, and the journal of the Voyage d&rsquoOrenbourg à Bokhara, full of merit and modesty, we now possess sufficient materials for the geography of the nursery of mankind. I would presume to amend one valuable geographical notice (Introd. p. 27), and which only requires the permutation of a vowel, Kas-mer for Kas-mir when we have, not &lsquothe country of the Kas,&rsquo but the Kasia Montes (mer) of Ptolemy: the Kho (mer) Kas, or Caucasus. Mir has no signification, Mer is &lsquomountain&rsquo in Sanskrit, as is Kho in Persian. [The origin of the name Kashmir is very doubtful: but the view in the text cannot be accepted (see Stein, Rajatarangini, ii. 353, 386 Smith, EHI, 38, note IA, xliii. 143 ff.).] Kas was the race inhabiting these: and Kasgar, the Kasia Regio of Ptolemy [Chap. 15]. Gar [or garh] is a Sanskrit word still in use for a &lsquoregion,&rsquo as Kachhwahagar, Gujargar. [See Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, 237.] A new edition of Erskine&rsquos translation, edited by Professor White King, is in course of publication.

1052. According to the Memoirs of Baber, February 11, 1527. [The battle was fought at Khanua or Kanwaha, now in the Bharatpur State, about twenty miles from Agra (Abu-l Fazl, Akbarnama, i. 259 f. Ferishta ii. 55), on March 16, 1527. Ferishta says that the provocation came from Rana Sanga, who attacked Nazim Khan, Governor of Bayana, on which the latter appealed to Babur (ii. 51). Babur says that Sanga broke his engagement. (Elliot- Dowson iv. 264 Badaoni, Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh, i. 444, 470).]

1053. &ldquoOn Monday, the 23rd of the first Jemadi, I had mounted to survey my posts, and in the course of my ride was seriously struck with the reflection, that I had always resolved, one time or another, to make an effectual repentance, and that some traces of a hankering after the renunciation of forbidden works had ever remained in my heart: I said to myself, &lsquoO, my soul.&rsquo

&ldquo &lsquoHow long wilt thou continue to take pleasure in sin?

Repentance is not unpalatable &ndash taste it.

&ldquo &lsquoHow great has been thy defilement from sin!

How much pleasure thou didst take in despair!

How long hast thou been the slave of thy passions!

How much of thy life hast thou thrown. away!

Since thou hast set out on a holy war,

Thou hast seen death before thine eyes for thy salvation.

He who resolves to sacrifice his life to save himself

Shall attain that exalted state which thou knowest.

Keep thyself far away from all forbidden enjoyments

Cleanse thyself from all thy sins.&rsquo

&ldquoHaving withdrawn myself from such temptation, I vowed never more to drink wine. Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to be broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The fragments of the goblets and other utensils of gold and silver I directed to be divided among derwishes and the poor. The first person who followed me in my repentance was Asas, who also accompanied me in my resolution of ceasing to cut the beard, and of allowing it to grow. That night and the following, numbers of Amirs and courtiers, soldiers, and persons not in the service, to the number of nearly three hundred men, made vows of reformation. The wine which we had with us we poured on the ground. I ordered that the wine brought by Baba Dost should have salt thrown into it, that it might be made into vinegar. On the spot where the wine had been poured out I directed a wain to be sunk and built of stone, and close by the wain an alms-house to be erected. In the month of Moharrem in the year 935, when I went to visit Gualiar, in my way from Dholpur to Sikri, I found this wain completed. I had previously made a vow, that if I gained the victory over Rana Sanka the Pagan, I would remit the Temgha (or stamp-tax) levied from Musulmans. At the time when I made my vow of penitence, Derwish Muhammed Sarban and Sheikh Zin put me in mind of my promise. I said, &lsquoYou did right to remind me of this: I renounce the temgha in all my dominions, so far as concerns Musulmans&rsquo and I sent for my secretaries, and desired them to write and send to all my dominions firmans conveying intelligence of the two important incidents that had occurred&rdquo (Memoirs of Baber, p. 354). [Elliot-Dowson iv. 269.]

1054. &ldquoAt this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a courageous opinion. The Vazirs, whose duty it was to give good counsel, and the Amirs, who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms, neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment such as became men of firmness. During the whole course of this expedition, Khalifeh conducted himself admirably, and was unremitting and indefatigable in his endeavours to put everything in the best order. At length, observing the universal discouragement of my troops, and their total want of spirit, I formed my plan. I called an assembly of all the Amirs and officers, and addressed them: Noblemen and soldiers! Every man that comes into the world is subject to dissolution. When we are passed away and gone. God only survives, unchangeable. Whoever comes to the feast of life must, before it is over, drink from the cup of death. He who arrives at the inn of mortality must one day inevitably take his departure from that house of sorrow, the world. How much better it is to die with honour than to live with infamy!

&ldquoWith fame, even if I die, I am contented

Let fame be mine, since my body is death&rsquos.

&ldquo &lsquoThe most high God has been propitious to us, and has now placed us in such a crisis, that if we fall in the field we die the death of martyrs if we survive, we rise victorious, the avengers of the cause of God. Let us, then, with one accord, swear on God&rsquos holy word, that none of us will even think of turning his face from this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body.&rsquo

&ldquoMaster and servant, small and great, all with emulation, seizing the blessed Koran in their hands, swore in the form that I had given. My plan succeeded to admiration, and its effects were instantly visible far and near, on friend and foe.&rdquo (Memoirs of Baber, p. 357).

1055. Babur says, &ldquoAlthough Rana Sanka (Sanga) the Pagan, when I was at Cabul, sent me ambassadors, and had arranged with me that if I would march upon Delhi he would on Agra but when I took Delhi and Agra, the Pagan did not move&rdquo (Memoirs of Baber, p. 339). 1

1056. In the translation of Babur&rsquos Memoirs, Udai Singh is styled &lsquoWali of the country,&rsquo confounding him with Udai Singh, successor of Sanga. He was Wali (sovereign) of Dungarpur, not &lsquoOodipoor,&rsquo which was not then in existence. [Erskine, in his later work (Hist. India, i. 473, note), admits his error.]

1057. [A list of the slain, nearly identical, is given by Abu-l Fazl, Akbarnama, i. 265.]

1058. [The author confuses Hasan Khan, Mewati, an important officer (Ferishta ii. 55 Bayley, Muhammad Dynasties of Gujarat, 278), whom Badaoni (Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh, i. 447) Calls a Jogi in form and appearance, with Hasan Khan, Lodi i. 503).]

1059. [About eighty-five miles north-north-west of Jaipur city. Babur says that he intended to pursue Sanga to Chitor, but was prevented by the defeat of his forces advancing on Lucknow (Elliot-Dowson iv. 277).]

1060. The number of queens is determined only by state necessity and the fancy of the prince. To have them equal in number to the days of the week is not unusual, while the number of handmaids is unlimited. It will be conceded that the prince who can govern such a household, and maintain equal rights when claims to pre-eminence must be perpetually asserted, possesses no little tact. The government of the kingdom is but an amusement compared with such a task, for it is within the Rawala that intrigue is enthroned.

1061. I possess his portrait, given to me by the present Rana, who has a collection of full-lengths of all his royal ancestors, from Samarsi to himself, of their exact heights and with every-bodily peculiarity, whether of complexion or form. They are valuable for the costume. Re has often shown than to me while illustrating their actions.

1062. [The practice of sending his sword to represent the bridegroom probably originated in the desire for secrecy, and has since been observed, as among the Raj Goads of the Central Provinces, for the sake of convenience, and in order to avoid expense (Forbes, Rasmala, 624 BG, ix. Part i. 143, 145 f. Russell, Tribes and Castes, Central Provinces, iii. 77).]

1064. The Hindu Cupid, implying &lsquoincorporeal,&rsquo from anga, &lsquobody,&rsquo with the privative prefix &lsquoan.&rsquo

1065. I have given the relation of this duel in the narrative of my journeys on my visit to the cenotaph of Patna, erected where he fell. It was the pleasure of my life to listen to the traditional anecdotes illustrative of Rajput history on the scenes of their transactions.

1066. The Bhakha orthography for Vikramaditya.

1067. The government of Papa Bai, a princess of ancient time, whose mismanaged sovereignty has given a proverb to the Rajput: [Major Luard informs me that Papa Rai is said to have been the daughter of a Rajput of Siddal. She and Shirai Seth, a corn-merchant who, in return for his penances, asked to be made a king for three ghatikas (twenty-four minutes each), and gave indiscriminately alms to rich and poor, are bywords for foolish extravagance. She is worshipped at a shrine in Ujjain by all who desire good crops, especially sugar. Another name for such a period of misrule is Harbong ka raj (Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, 466 if.).]

1068. Taken by Prithiraj and carried to Rana Raemall, who took a large sum of money and seven hundred horses as his ransom.

1069. We have, in the poems of Chand, frequent indistinct notices of firearms, especially the nal-gola or tube-ball but whether discharged by percussion or the expansive force of gunpowder is dubious. The poet also repeatedly speaks of &ldquothe volcano of the field,&rdquo giving to understand great guns but these may be interpolations, though I would not check a full investigation of so curious a subject by raising a doubt. Babur was the first who introduced field guns in the Muhammadan wars, and Bahadur&rsquos invasion is the first notice of their application in sieges, for in Alau-d-din&rsquos time, in the thirteenth century, he used the catapult or battering-ram, called manjauik. To these guns Babur was indebted for victory over the united cavalry of Rajasthan. They were served by Rumi Khan, probably a Routueliut, or Syrian Christian. The Franks (Faringis), with Bahadur, must have been some of Vasco di Gama&rsquos crew. [For the use of artillery in Mogul times see the full account by Irvine (Army of the Indian Moghuls, 113 ff.). Manjanik is the Greek &muά&gamma&gamma&alpha&nu&omicron&nu. Rumi Khan was an Ottoman Turk, called Khudawand Khan, who learned the science in Turkish service (Erskine, Hist. of India, ii. 49 Ain, i. 441). Akbar is said to have used Chinese artillery, and to have employed English gunners from Surat (Manucci i. 139 Irvine, op. cit. 152).)

1070. The Changi, the chief insignia of regality in Mewar, is a sun of gold in the centre of a disc of black ostrich feathers or felt, about three feet in diameter, elevated on a pole, and carried close to the prince. It has something of a Scythic cast about it. What changi imports I never understood. [Probably Pers. chang, &lsquoanything bent.&rsquo]

1071. The name of the faithful Rajput who preserved Udai Singh, Chakasen Dhundera, deserves to be recorded.

1072. The date, &ldquoJeth sudi 12th, S. 1589,&rdquo A.D. 1533, and according to Ferishta A.H. 940, A.D. 1532&ndash33. [Chitor was taken in 1534. The Mirat-i-Sikandari states that on March 24, 1533, Bahadur received the promised tribute, and moved his camp from Chitor (Bayley, Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarat, 372).]

1073. From ancient times, leading the females captive appears to have been the sign of complete victory. Rajput inscriptions often allude to &ldquoa conqueror beloved by the wives of his conquered foe,&rdquo and in the early parts of Scripture the same notion is referred to. The mother of Sisera asks &ldquoHave they not divided the prey to every man a damsel or two?&rdquo (Judges v. 30.)

1074. [Ferishta ii. 75 f. Badaoni says that Humayun hesitated to interfere because Bahadur was attacking an infidel (Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh, i. 453 f.).]

1075. Many romantic tales are founded on &lsquothe gift of the Rakhi.&rsquo The author, who was placed in the enviable situation of being able to do good, and on the most extensive scale, was the means of restoring many of these ancient families from degradation to affluence. The greatest reward ho could, and the only one he would, receive, was the courteous civility displayed in many of these interesting customs. He was the Rakhi-band Bhai of, and received &lsquothe bracelet&rsquo from, three queens of Udaipur, Bundi, and Kotah, besides Chand Bai, the maiden sister of the Rana as well as many ladies of the chieftains of rank, with whom he interchanged letters. The sole articles of &lsquobarbaric pearl and gold,&rsquo which he conveyed from a country where he was six years supreme, are these testimonies of friendly regard. Intrinsically of no great value, they were presented and accepted in the ancient spirit, and he retains them with a sentiment the more powerful, because he can no longer render them any service. [The Rakhi (Skt. raksha, &lsquoprotection&rsquo) is primarily a protective amulet assumed at the full moon of Sawan (JulyAugust) (Forbes, Rasmala, 609). It was worn on this date to avert the unhealthiness of the rainy season. Jahangir and Akbar followed the custom, introduced by their Hindu ladies (Jahangir, Memoirs, 246 Badaoni, op. cit. ii. 269).]

1076. [Probably policy, rather than romance, caused Humayun to interfere.]

1077. He addresses her as &ldquodear and virtuous sister,&rdquo and evinces much interest in her welfare. We are in total ignorance of the refined sentiment which regulates such a people &ndash our home-bred prejudices deem them beneath inquiry and thus indolence and self-conceit combine to deprive the benevolent of a high gratification.

This collection transcribed by Chris Gage

SSC GK: Short Notes on Mughal Empire (Part-1)

Read here complete SSC GK History Notes for SSC CGL Tier I, CHSL Tier I 2018 & other SSC Exams. Get all important facts related to Mughal Empire.

Babur (1526-1530)

* Babur was the founder of Mughal Empire .

* His original name was Zahiruddin Muhammad .

* He defeated ibrahim lodhi in the first Battle of Panipat (1526) and established Mughal rule in India.

* He defeated Rana Sanga of Mewar in Battle of Khanua (1527) near Agra.

* He then assumed the title of ‘Ghazi’ .

* Babur also defeated the Afghans in battle of Gogra in Bihar.

* Babur wrote his memoirs in Tuzuk-i-Baburi in Turkish language , describing the flora and fauna of India.

Humayun (1530-1540 & 1555-56)

* After the death of Babur, his son Humayun ascended the throne in 1530.

* His first confrontation was with Sher Khan (later known as Sher Shah) at Chunat in 1532.

* Sher Shah defeated him in the Battle of Chausa (1539) as well as in the Battle of Kannauj (1540) . After that, he fled from India.

* After Sher Shah’s death, he invaded and defeated the brothers of Sher Shah and once again became the ruler of India.

* Humayunama , his biography, was written by his sister, Gulbadan Begum .

Akbar (1556-1605)

* Akbar was the third Mughal emperor and one of the most famous emperors of Indian history.

* He was born on October 14, 1542 in Sindh (now in Pakistan).

* He was the son of Mughal emperor Humayan. His father named him Jalal-ud-din Muhammad .

* After the death of Humayan, Akbar was made the shahanshah at the age of 13. Bairam Khan became his teacher and guardian of his empire.

* With the help of Bairam Khan, Akbar defeated Hemu in Second Battle of Panipat (1556) .

* There were nine jewels in his court- Abdul Rahim, Abdul Fazal, Birbal, Faizi, Hamim Human, Raja Man Singh, Shaikh Mubarak, Tansen, Todar Mal.

* Akbar married the Rajput Princess Jodha Bai, the daughter of Raja Bharmal.

* He abolished the Pilgrim tax and later the Jizya .

* In 1575, Akbar built Ibadat Khana (House of worship) at his new capital Fatehpur Sikri.

* Mugahl Army defeated Rana Pratap Singh in the battle of Haldighati (1576) .

* In 1579, he delivered the “ Infallibility Decree ” and proclaimed his religious powers.

* He propagated a new religion called Din-i Ilahi or Divine Faith.

* He introduced land revenue system – Zabti or Bandobast system or Dahsala System.

* Akbar introduced the Mansabdari system in his administration.

* Many architectural masterpieces were built at his time like Agra Fort (1565), Lahore Palace(1572), Fatehpur Sikri, Bulan Darwaza and Allahabad fort (1583).

* At the age of 63, He died at Fatehpur Sikri, Agra .

Battle of Khanwa

At the time when the Mughals captured Delhi, the Rajputs were still ruling some parts of North West India. By the beginning of 16th century, their strength reached its height under the rule of Rana Sanga (Rana Sangram Singh), who was the king of Mewar in Southern Rajasthan and who was also able to unite many other neighboring Rajput kings to fight against foreign rulers.

However, Rana Sanga was defeated in a fierce battle by the Mughal invader Babur, and the splendour of a united Rajput polity waned rapidly. It is largely from that period of Rajasthan's history that the view of the Rajputs as valiant warriors is derived. Rana Sanga fought three battles with Babur.

Rana Sanga of Mewar

Maharana Sangram Singh (12 April 1484 - 17 March 1527) known as Rana Sanga, was the Rajput ruler of Mewar, which is now located within the geographic
boundaries of present-day Rajasthan. He ruled from 1509 and 1527.

Rana Sanga succeeded his father, Rana Raimal, as king of Mewar, in 1508, following a fierce power struggle with his brothers. Upon assuming the throne he set about consolidating his power. One of Sanga's first acts as the ruler was to attack Malwa, which was suffering from internal dissension between its Sultan Mahmud Khilji and its Rajput Wazir, Medini Rao.

Rana Sanga emerged as a powerful ruler after conquering Malwa. He then turned his attention towards north-eastern Rajasthan, which was then under the control of Khilji's ally, Lodi. He invaded the region and was successful in capturing several major areas, including the fort of Ranthambore.

Lodi retaliated and invaded Mewar. Sanga's forces proved to be too strong for Lodi's Afghans. The Battle of Khatoli which Rana Sanga fought against Ibrahim Lodi was a big success for the Rajputs. In the battle, the Maharana lost an arm and became lame for life but this did not deter his spirit. Later, in another battle at Dholpur against Ibrahim Lodi, the Rana Sanga once again defeated Lodi and captured most of present day Rajasthan.

With his growing stature as a powerful ruler in India, he gained much recognition. Owing to his repeated success in the northern territories of India, he set his ambitions high and planned to capture Delhi and bring the whole of India under his control.

The Battle of Khanwa

Initially, Rana Sanga believed that Babur had plans to leave India. But intelligence gathered suggested that Babur was getting ready to consolidate his newly gained successes. Therefore, Rana Sanga, decided to wage war against the Mughal invader.

At first, he forced Afghan fugitive princes like Mehmud Lodi and Hasan Khan Mewati to join him. Then he ordered Babur to leave India. As Rana's and Babur's troops faced each other in Khanwa, near Fatehpur-Sikri, in 1527, a bloody battle followed, resulting in death and destruction. Although, the Rajputs had surrounded Babur, but his technically superior army won the battle.

The reason for Babur's success was that even before the battle took place Babur had carefully inspected the battle site. Like in the Battle of Panipat, he strengthened his front by procuring carts which were fastened by iron chains. These were used for providing shelter to horses and for storing artillery. Gaps between the carts were used for horsemen to charge at the opponent at the right time.

To lengthen the line, ropes built of raw hide were placed over wheeled wooden tripods. Behind the tripods, matchlock-men were placed who could fire and, if required, advance. The flanks were given protection by digging ditches. In addition to the regular force, small contingents were kept on the left flank and in front for the tulghuma (flanking) tactic. Thus, a strong offensive-defensive formation had been prepared by Babur.

Rana Sanga, fighting in a traditional way, attacked the Mughal army's flanks. He was prevented from breaking through by reinforcements dispatched by Babur. The carts and matchlockmen were ordered to advance, pressing on the Rajputs and their allies. The battle which lasted for not more than 10 hours, was bitterly contested and became an exceedingly brutal affair.

At a critical moment of battle, the defection of Silhadi and his contingent caused a split in the Rajput forces. Rana Sanga while trying to rebuild his front was wounded and fell unconscious from his horse. The Rajput army thought their leader was dead which resulted in disorder, thus allowing the Mughals to win the day. Despite putting up a gallant fight, Rana Sanga and his allies suffered defeat.

With his numerically huge army as compared to that of Babur, Sanga perceived that he would win the battle against Babur. However, Babur's tactics and the efficient use of artillery and cannons was no match for Rana Sanga. The Rajputs had no answer to the wheeling tactics of the Mughal cavalry. Babur's artillery had won the day for him it had finally established the Mughal rule over India and eventually sealed the fate of the Rajput revival.

History of JaiMal and Patta : HEROes of the 3rd Siege | Battle of Chittor - With Portraits

The Annals of Mewar remember the heroic deeds of Rawat Patta Sisodia and Jaimal Rathore, during the 3rd and final Siege of the Fort of Chittor, 1567-68 in following words ---

There were many chiefs who defended Chittor in it's history. But the names which shine brightest in this gloomy page of the annals of Mewar, the names immortalised by Akbar's own pen , are those of Jaimal of Bednor and Patta of Kailwa, both from the sixteen superior vassals of Chittor. The first was a Rathore of the Merta house, the bravest of the brave clans of Marwar the other was head of the Jugawats, another grand shoot from Chunda. The names, "Jaimal and Patta," always inseparable, are as household words in Mewar, and will be honoured while the Rajput retains a shred of his inheritance or a spark of his ancient recollections. When Sahidas fell at SurajPol , the command devolved on Patta of Kailwa. He was only sixteen. His father had fallen in the last siege, and his mother had survived but to rear this the sole heir of her house. Like the Spartan mother of old, she commanded him to put on the saffron robe (kesariya), and to die for Chittor but, surpassing the Grecian dame, she illustrated her precept by example and, lest thoughts for one dearer than herself might dim the lustre of Kailwa, she armed his young bride with a lance, and the defenders of Chittor saw the fair princess descend the rock and fall fighting by the side of her brave mother(in-law).

When their wives and daughters performed such deeds, the Rajputs became reckless of life. Seeing there was no hope of salvation, he resolved to signalise the end of his career. The fatal johur was commanded, while 8000 Rajputs ate the last 'bira' together, and put on their saffron robes (kesariya) . The gates were thrown open, the work of destruction commenced, and few survived to "stain the yellow mantle" by inglorious surrender(means victory of Akbar).

He was a direct descendant of Mewar Prince Rawat Chunda Sisodia, the founder of Chundavat offshoot of Mewar the eldest son of Rana Lakha of Mewar, Prince Chunda renounced the throne in favor of his younger brother and continued serving Mewar as an administrator for the King. Patta was the grand-son of Rawat Siha Ji, who was in turn the grandson of Rawat Chunda Sisodia.

The sequence of rulers is :
Rana Lakha(Mewar) -> Rawat Chunda Sisodia(Mewar) -> Rawat Kandal Ji -> Rawat Siha Ji -> Rawat Jaga -> Rawat Patta Sisodia(Kailwa).

There are many similarities among these legends of those times, which i am going to list here.

a. Rawat Siha Ji was a companion of Rana Sanga of Mewar.
b. Similarly, their grand-sons, Patta and Maharana Pratap were also companions.

c. Rawat Siha Ji died fighting from the side of Rana Sanga, against Mughal Emperor Babur in the Battle of Khanua in 1527.
d. Similarly, his grandson Patta also died fighting from the side of Rana Sanga's grandson Maharana Pratap, against the grandson of Babur - Mughal Emperor Akbar.

Another interesting observation is that::
Rawat Chundavat, a close confident of Rana Udai Singh II of Mewar, was REAL nephew of Patta's grandfather Rawat Siha Ji. Hence, Patta was also a nephew of Rawat Chundavat.

Sisodia is a Rajput Dynasty. Chundavat is an offshoot of Sisodias.

Patta took the reins of his estate of Kailwa at a young age in 1555, after the death of his father in a battle fought near Udaipur. Gradually, he became a prominent Sardar of Mewar. Hence, Rana Udai Singh II, appointed him an "Adhi pati" of Mewar in 1567, when Mughal Emperor Akbar laid a siege to the Fort of Chittor. In this battle, he fought bravely till his last breath, finally being trampled under an elephant. He died in the Rann Junjher (The LAST fight in battle - Saka) against Mughal Emperor Akbar in this 3rd Siege of Chittor in 1568.

It is said that single handed he cut a trail of destruction through the Mughal ranks till an elephant was sent charging against him. Struck by the charge he was killed, while his mother and a wife had been slain earlier.

Patta was one of the last chiefs who fell in the Saka. At dawn, on the morning after the Jauhar, Akbar rode into the fortress, mounted on an elephant, attended by many other elephants and several thousand men.

Akbarnama records Patta's end as follows, when Akbar entered the Fort in the morning of Saka : " His Majesty related that he had come near the temple of Gobind Shyam when an elephant-driver trampled a man under his elephant. The driver said that he did not know the man's name but that he appeared to be one of the leaders, and that a large number of men had fought around him with sacrifice of their lives. At last it came out that it was Patta who had been trampled to death. At the time he was produced, there was a breath of life in him, but he shortly afterwards died. "

Rawat Patta Sisodia

They committed Jauhar / some perished in the skirmish.
1. Rani Jiwa Bai Solanki
2. Rani Madalasha Bai Shekhawat
3. Rani Sarda Bai Rathore
4. Rani Bhagwati Bai Chauhan
5. Rani Padmavati Bai Jhalia
6. Rani Ratan Bai Rathore
7. Rani Balesha Bai Chauhan
8. Rani Bagdi Bai Chauhan
9. Rani Asha Bai Parmar

5 young daughters.
Finally, all the daughters did Jauhar along with all of his wives, or perished in the skirmish.

6 sons. His 2 sons perished, they were minors, they were with their mothers during the Jauhar. 4 of his sons survived this war.
Eldest among these 4 sons was -> Rawat Kala Chundavat, who succeeded his father, Patta. He fought battles against Mughal forces from the side of Maharana Pratap, like the Battle near Jhunjhunu. Finally, he died in the Battle of Haldighati fighting along with Maharana Pratap on 18th June 1576.

Rani Sajjan Bai Songara Chauhan. She committed herself to the flames / perished on the battle-field during the 3rd Siege of Chittor.

Note :
Songara is an offshoot of Agnivanshi Chauhan Rajputs. Interestingly, there is yet another similarity here. Maharana Pratap's mother Jaiwanta Bai Songara Chauhan, was also from the same Chauhan Agnivanshi Rajputs. They trace their lineage from the house of Prithviraj Chauhan(died 1192), ruler of Ajmer/Delhi.

Rawat Jaga. He had a great role to play in many battles he fought for Mewar. He died in 1555 while fighting in a battle on the river Som, near Udaipur.

Rawat Naga was the uncle of Patta. Like his younger brother - Rawat Jaga, he also took part in many battles fought by Mewar like -
a. In a battle at Suraj Pol, Chittor
b. In the 2nd Siege of Chittor after the death of Rana Sanga, he took the charge of army against Bahadur Shah of Gujarat in 1535. He died in the Saka in this battle, after the Jauher of ladies.

Grand Father of Patta::
Rawat Siha Ji, second son of Rawat Kandalji and his wife Rani Bar Kanwar Sankli and grandson of Rao Chunda of Mewar. He was granted the estate of Modva* initially, later Rana Sanga exchanged this for the new estate of Kothariya* in 1509

* Modva and Kothariya are towns in present day Rajsamand district of Rajasthan.

He fought many battles :
a. Fought against Kunwar Udai Singh I , near 1470. This Udai Singh is different from father of Maharana Pratap - Rana Udai Singh II.
b. Lead a wing of army of Mewar in the Battle of Samecha (year unknown).
c. Along with Kunwar Prithviraj Sisodia (brother of Rana Sanga ) of Mewar, against Lala Khan Pathan of Toda, in early 1500's.
d. Along with his friend Rana Sanga of Mewar, against Ibrahim Lodhi of Delhi in the Battle of Bankhrol in 1510's.
e. He died fighting against Mughal Emperor Babur in the Battle of Khanua on 17th March 1527, fighting along with his ally Rana Sanga of Mewar.

Did you notice, not only Patta Sisodia gave his life in the Saka at the 3rd Siege of Chittor, but also his Father, Uncle, Grand-Father, and even his own son, all of them gave their lives fighting for Mewar, on the battle-field. With Patta's name is associated all the glory a warrior can desire. Dying in the battle-field was a moment every warrior cherished, and the house of Patta had this unique distinction in abundance. Even, today the name of Patta(and Jaimal) are remembered with a sense of pride in Rajasthan.

He was a direct descendant of Rao Jodha(1415-1489), the king who founded of the city of Jodhpur in 1459. Rao Jodha had a son named Rao Dudha(1440-1515) from his queen, Rani Champa Bai Songara Chauhan. Rao Dudha was given the estate of Merta, and hence, he established the Merta offshoot of Rathores here.

Born on 17th September 1507, Jaimal was a grandson of Rao Dudha. He was granted the estate of Bednor by Rana Udai Singh in 1554, in recognition of his exceptional services. Before Chittor siege, Jaimal had earlier, fought a pitched battle against Mughal Subedar Sharf-ud-din, brother-in-law of Mughal Emperor Akbar, in the Battle of Merta in 1562-63. This was also a siege of several months. Finally, being outnumbered, Merta was lost to Mughals, after carrying out the Jauhar and Saka. Later, JaiMal shifted to his other estate of Bednor.

The sequence of rulers is :
Rao Jodha(Jodhpur) -> Rao Dudha(Merta) -> Rao Vikram(Merta) -> Rao JaiMal(Bednor).

Along with Patta, he took the reins of Chittor in 1567, when Mughal Emperor Akbar laid a siege to the Fort of Chittor. He is said to have died from a bullet fired from the match-lock - Sangram, of Mughal Emperor Akbar.

But, Rajputana sources give a slightly different account. According to them, Jaimal was wounded, not died. According to one of the sources - " Udaipur Ka Itihaas " , which i read, says, Jaimal died between the place called "Hanuman Pol an d Bhairav Pol" while fighting a soldier's death. Jaimal was indeed wounded during the attempt to fill a breach created by the Mughal mining. Due to this wound he was unable to mount a horse. Hence, when the Mughal soldiers started pouring in the morning after Jauher, he sat on the shoulders of a soldier and wielding swords in both his hands fought bravely like a normal soldier, not like a battle general, before he finally fell fighting near the SurajPol.

Jaimal Vikram Rathore

Akbarnama records Jaimal's end as follows:

On Tuesday, February 23, 1568, Akbar noticed at the breach a personage wearing a chief's cuirass who was busy directing the defence. Without knowing who the chief might be, Akbar aimed at him with his well-tried musket Sangram. When the man did not come back, the besiegers concluded that he must have been killed. Less than an hour later reports were brought in that the defences were deserted and that fire had broken out in several places in the fort. Raja Bhagwan Das, being familiar with the customs of his country, knew the meaning of the fire, and explained that it must be the jauhar performed at Chittor.

Early in the morning the facts were ascertained. The fortress, chief whom Akbar's shot had killed proved to be Jaimal Rathor of Bednor, who had taken command of the fortress. As usual in India the fall of the commander decided the fate of the garrison. Shortly before Jaimal was killed a gallant deed was performed by the ladies of the young chieftain Patta, whose name is always linked by tradition with that of Jaimal.

I know the details of 2 of his sons.
-> His eldest son Rao Mukund Rathore perished in the Battle at Kumbhalgarh Fort, during the Siege of Chittor in 1568. As we know, this battle was fought not only for Chittor, but also for the supremacy of other fortresses of Mewar. At other fronts also the battle was continuing.
-> His younger son Rao Ram Rathore perished in the Battle of Haldighati, 18th June 1576, fighting against forces of Mughal Emperor Akbar, alongside Maharana Pratap.

His mother is said to be Rani Gorajia Kanwar, Chief Queen of his father. It is not 100% sure to me if she was his biological mother. She was the daughter of Rana Raimal of Mewar(died 1508) and sister of Rana Sanga(died 1527). Hence, JaiMal was also related to Mewar just like Patta.

His father was (the son of above mentoned Rao Dudha) - Rao Vikram Rathore, the ruler of Merta till his death in 1544.

About his siblings, i know of one. His elder brother was Pratap Rathore, who also gave his life in the Saka at Chittor in 1568. He was the ruler of the strategically important estate of Ghanerau, in present day Pali district of Rajasthan. Present on outskirts of Udaipur.

His son Gopal Rathore, actively served Mewar till his death in 1626, and constructed a beautiful castle here in 1606.

View of GhaneRau Castle


The bitter victory document issued by Mughal Emperor Akbar after the victory at Chittor bears testimony to the fact - the havoc wrecked across the Mughal ranks by the 2 Chiefs - Jaimal and Patta.

Though bitter, but still, the victory document of Mughal Emperor Akbar recognizes the bravery of these two 'enemies' in following words - " Jaimal and Patta who are renowned for their valor among the infidels. are singly considered to be equal to a thousand horsemen in intrepidity and prowess. "

The names of Jaimal and Patta have become synonymous with the House of Mewar and the Fort of Chittor. Whenever, one talks about Chittor, names of Jaimal and Patta surely come to one's mind. Their deeds evoke a sense of deep respect and a pride to be cherished by the posterity.

There are lesser known heroes who have earned a place even in the Mughal records for their valor, especially the name of Isar Das Chauhan - who fought an elephant with a bare knife, when it was sent to spread rampage and destruction in the battle-field. First, 50 and then 300 elephants were let loose after arming their trunks with swords in the battle-field. Among them was a favorite elephant of Akbar named Madukar, and Abu'l Fazl records, Isar Das took hold of it's tusk and stabbed it with a dagger and asked him to "convey his(Isar Das's) regards to His Master(Akbar)" in the following words - "Be good enough to convey my respects to your world adorning appreciator of merit".

Every one loves his/her land. In a war, there are two sides. For one side, the other side is an enemy. Same was the case here. Akbar wanted to capture Chittor. These people wanted to defend it. The war was different because this is one war, where one gets the written evidence of involvement of women-folk fighting alongside men for their beloved motherland. This post is a homage to those warriors who staked their all in fight for their principles.

Rawat Chundavat also gave his life in the Saka at the Battle of Chittor on 24th February 1568. Along with him, his ONLY son Kunwar Amar also died on the same day in the Saka at the Fort of Chittor.

About Chittor Siege, i have the followung articles which give an in-depth analysis of the Chittor Battle.

Battle of Khanwa

As a result of the Battle of Panipat in 1526, Babur became the ruler of Delhi and Agra.He founded mughal emperor in india.He now had to fight against two other enemies, the Afghan nobles of Bihar and Bengal, and the Rajputs under Rana Sanga of Mewar. Babur sent his nobles to unconquered parts of the country to expel the Afghans chiefs from there, while he was engaged in collecting the resources to wage a war against the Rajputs.

Rana Sanga was a brave warrior. He was joined by some Muslim supporters of the Lodi dynasty. He marched with an army of 120 chiefs, 80,000 horses and 500 war elephants, and the rulers of Ajmer, Gwalior, Amber, Marwar against Babur. Babur's army was comparatively small and were struck with terror and panic. So Babur appealed to his men to fight bravely. His men promised to support him. Mughals and the Rajputs met in the decisive battle of Khanwa in on March 16, 1527.

Rajputs fought bravely but Babur used the same tactics that he used in the battle of Panipat and thus defeated the Rajputs. Rana Sanga escaped with the help of some of the followers but died after about two years. This victory facilitated Babur's task as it enabled him to establish the rule of the Mughals in India.